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Northern Ireland and Politics of Religion, 2001.
This paper examines religious turmoil in Northern Ireland.
2,255 words (approx. 9.0 pages), 12 sources, APA, £ 48.95
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Abstract
This paper is an in-depth examination of the history of the conflict in Northern Ireland. The author summarizes the history of religious conflict in Northern Ireland and looks at the recent attempts to end decades of violence. An historical background on the troubles is detailed and includes the policy of "Home Rule," The Ireland Act of 1920, which divided Ireland into North and South, the suspension of Northern Ireland's government in 1972 and finally the successful attempts in the 1990s to broker an agreement between the two parties. The author then looks at the religious makeup of Ireland and the divisions between the Catholic and Protestant populations which, according to the author, caused politics to become a proxy for religion. The author then looks at the how the divisions in the populations of South African and Northern Ireland impeded their roads to independence.
From the Paper
"About two-fifths of the population is Roman Catholic, while more than one-fifth is Presbyterian, with less than one-fifth Episcopalian (Church of Ireland); Methodists and members of other sects make up most of the remainder. The distribution of Catholics and Protestants is, however, very uneven by region . In country districts the latter are in a majority in the north and east. Elsewhere they are in a minority, though fairly highly localized. Most towns have a Protestant majority: this is the case in Belfast, where Catholics make up less than one-third of the population. Towns remote from Belfast (including Newry and Londonderry) are more than half Roman Catholic. In each of these towns themselves there is a high degree of segregation of the sects, and mixing is minimal and ?segregation increases as socioeconomic status decreases." Civil disturbances are almost always confined to locations in which segregation is highest."
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Northern Ireland, 2007.
An in-depth look at the political role of women in Northern Ireland.
9,691 words (approx. 38.8 pages), 17 sources, MLA, £ 136.95
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Abstract
This paper examines the manner in which women in Northern Ireland have contributed to party politics over the past thirty years of conflict, more commonly known as 'the troubles'. More Specifically the paper investigates feminist theory as well as sociology theories related to the political participation of women. The investigation also seeks to answer the various questions concerning women's roles in Northern Ireland.
Outline:
Introduction
Theoretical Framework: Feminist and Sociology Theories
Background of Conflict
The Women's Movement in Northern Ireland: Politics and Religion
Why So Few Women?
Do Women Compete Differently From Men or Do They Emulate Men?
What Has Women's Contribution Been Towards the Peace Process?
Discussions and Conclusions
From the Paper
"According to O'day (1996), the women's movement in Northern Ireland has, like any other movement in the region, attempted to confront the divisions that exist as it relates to national identity. In addition, there has been a great deal of speculation in regards to the correlation between gender and national identity. The author asserts that feminists who desire to prioritize women's issues assert that the divisiveness related to national identity has also had and divisive impact on the issues that are unique to women. In addition the differences between nationalists and unionists thought and the differences between Catholic and Protestant standards has been debilitating to the women's movement in Northern Ireland. In fact the author points out that it is usually the "Irish question" or the question of "whose side are you on?" is at the root of the divisions. This concept can be found in Derry Women's Aid in Spare Rib in response to a question concerning the correlation between feminism and the national question: "The uncritical support given by some English feminists to the nationalist struggle being waged here in N.I. is of little help to us, or indeed, to the women of the whole of Ireland," which not only serves to "to divide women along the traditional Orange and Green," but also "results in a lack of attention to the feminist issues (O'Day, 1998)."
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Northern Ireland, 2005.
This paper is a literature review of social conflict and resolution theories as they apply to the conflict in Northern Ireland.
11,525 words (approx. 46.1 pages), 47 sources, £ 156.95
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Abstract
This paper explains the social identity theory, the identity theory, the self-determination theory, the human needs theory and especially focuses on the social movement analysis theory in the context of the social attitudes and the conflict in Northern Ireland. The author points out that this conflict exists because the people in the majority, the Protestants, have implemented a policy of sectarianism by oppressing the Catholic minority thus attempting to place this policy under the cloak of religion. The paper concludes that there will be lasting change in Northern Ireland; however, this change can only occur if all or most of the community is determined to create a society that is harmonious and abhors violence.
Table of Contents
Introduction
Social Identity Theory and Identity Theory
Self-Determination Theory
Human Needs Theory
Social Movement Analysis in Context of Northern Ireland Social Attitudes and Conflict
Conflict Resolution
Reconciliation
Liberation Education
Transformational Politics
Personal Participation in Politics
Transformational Conflict Resolution
Imagining a Shared Future
Integrating Potential of Middle-Range Leaders
Develop People and Promote Growth and Change
Spiritual Transformation
Recognizing the Transformational Process
Indications Northern Ireland is Changing
A Changed Government
An Agenda that embraces Equality
Advancement of Human Rights
New Targeting Social Need initiative
The Policing of Northern Ireland Bill
Discussion and Conclusion
From the Paper
"In the case of Northern Ireland, many attempts have been to resolve the conflicts between Catholics and Protestants. The international community has attempted on several occasions to reduce the amount of violence occurring in the region. According to Crotty (2000), there has been a joint effort with the aid of the United States to resolve the dilemma facing Northern Ireland. The desire to help those living in the region has become more concerted in recent years. Much of this is due to the declining infrastructure of Northern Ireland. Crotty (2000) asserts that Northern Ireland has suffered greatly in the wake of the violence and social conflict that has occurred. The author explains that Northern Ireland was once a beautiful place that was the envy of the region, however in recent years the economy has suffered and southern Ireland is now sounder economically than Northern Ireland."
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Northern Ireland, 2001.
This paper is on Northern Ireland, and includes discussion on strife between Catholics and Protestants.
1,832 words (approx. 7.3 pages), 6 sources, £ 40.95
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Abstract
This paper discusses the country of Northern Ireland, and some of the strife present in this divided country. The author outlines the situation between Catholic and Protestant inhabitants. An in-depth look at the I.R.A. (Irish Republican Army) and Sinn Fein is offered.
From the Paper
"Northern Ireland is an administrative division of the United Kingdom, which is situated, in the northeastern portion of the island of Ireland. The remaining portion of the island is part of the Republic of Ireland. Northern Ireland constitutes about 17 percent of the land area of Ireland and has 31 percent of the island's population. The capital of Northern Ireland is Belfast. Northern Ireland's population is deeply divided along religious and political lines. The split between the Protestant majority and the Catholic minority extends deep into Northern Ireland's past and has strongly influenced the region's culture, settlement patterns, and politics."
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Northern Ireland as an 'Orange State', 2005.
Questions whether Northern Ireland was an 'Orange State' between 1920 and 1972.
1,188 words (approx. 4.8 pages), 7 sources, APA, £ 27.95
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Abstract
This paper argues that Northern Ireland was very much an Orange State between the years 1920 and 1972. It shows that both the composition of the government and the gerrymandering that enforced it guaranteed a Protestant monopoly on power. In addition to lacking proportional political representation, Catholics were controlled through the Special Powers Act and other selectively enforced legislation that was virtually never applied to Protestant activities. The paper is nationalistic in tone.
From the Paper
"By the end of 1920, the Specials were established. Membership overlapped with the UVF and the notorious B-specials (disbanded 1967) even retained the UVF's hierarchical structure. Although state security forces, as well as British forces, often acted in a partisan fashion, there was little alternative for another kind of force. Republicans could not be trusted in such a job and non-republican Catholics were unlikely to have been interested due to community pressure. When the police force finally did impose quotas for Catholic membership (after the period in question), Catholics applied in much smaller numbers."
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The British Army in Northern Ireland, 2002.
An analysis of the presence of the British Army in Northern Ireland 1969-1983, the reasons for being there and why they have had limited success in ending the violence.
4,673 words (approx. 18.7 pages), 19 sources, APA, £ 83.95
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Abstract
This paper discusses how throughout history, the British Army was invariably the instrument used to suppress or combat the various uprisings and revolts of the Irish people and in particular the current occupation of Northern Ireland since 1969 in order to keep the peace between the Catholics and Protestants. It evaluates their growing presence with the increase in violence throughout the seventies and how their stated role there was ambiguous, undefined, continually changing and often ill suited for them. It examines the frustrations and attitudes of both the army and the Irish people and the growing friction between them. This paper includes as an appendix, newspaper coverage of the Bloody Sunday Massacre.
From the Paper
"The British Army and Ireland have always had an interesting relationship. Throughout history both have been linked to each other in a variety of ways. The British Army was invariably the instrument used to suppress or combat the various uprisings and revolts of the Irish people. Surprisingly however Ireland has in turn been a stable source of manpower for the British Army since the eighteenth century. Young men forced by poor economic times and even starvation have continually flocked to the ?Colours? of British Regiments for over two hundred years. Even since the partition of the island into the Irish Republic and Ulster, Ireland continues to provide a steady supply of recruits to ?Irish Units? within the modern British Military."
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Religious Violence in Northern Ireland, 2000.
A look at the problems and history of violence in Northern Ireland.
2,100 words (approx. 8.4 pages), 16 sources, £ 45.95
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Abstract
This paper identifies the origins of the conflict in Northern Ireland and looks at the situation up to the present time.
From the Paper
"The problems between Irish Catholics and Irish Protestants comes from age-old disputes. This War of Religion is still as much of a problem today as it was centuries ago. There have been many attempts to try and amend this hatred but none so far have succeeded. The troubles in Northern Ireland are political, economic, cultural, and historic, but religious identity is what keeps the hatred alive. This one characteristic is the deciding factor of which side an Ulster resident supports in this 400-year old feud. These feuds are a result of the English invasions that took place many centuries ago (CQ Researcher 803)."
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The Case of Northern Ireland, 2006.
A discussion regarding the communal break-down in Great Britain, focusing on Northern Ireland.
1,800 words (approx. 7.2 pages), 3 sources, £ 49.95
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Abstract
This paper analyzes the bloody battles between Irish Protestant and Irish Catholic, and between Irish Unionist and Irish Nationalist, said to be the inevitable result of heavy handed government policies which failed to address the needs and concerns of upset and often outraged minorities. The paper looks further at the problems in Northern Ireland within the context of what role the state played in exacerbating these issues, in this case the British government and its counterpart in Ulster, and what role it played finally in lessening the tensions between Catholics and Protestants.
From the Paper
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Conflict in Northern Ireland, 2000.
An examination of how religion acts as a catalyst for division.
1,939 words (approx. 7.8 pages), 6 sources, £ 42.95
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Abstract
This is an argument paper that addresses the causes of the continuing hostilities in Northern Ireland. The discussion focuses on the fact that while religion was the original cause of the fighting between the Catholics and the Protestants, additional social and political factors have continued to promote and aggravate these hostilities.
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Hunger Strike in Northern Ireland, 2002.
This paper describes the special status and criminalization of the 1981 Hunger Strike in North Ireland.
1,690 words (approx. 6.8 pages), 4 sources, MLA, £ 37.95
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Abstract
This paper chronicles the 1981 Hunger Strike that was staged by Nationalist prisoners in Northern Ireland?s Maze Prison. The political background, its causes, and events of this demonstration are all discussed in depth from both perspectives of the British and North Ireland.
From the Paper
?In 1976 the British government tried to criminalize the Nationalist prisoners. In 1981 the Nationalist prisoners criminalized the British government.? In one of their many bumbling attempts to quell the violence in Northern Ireland that did not take into account long term consequences, the British government suspended the right of habeas corpus in 1971 and interned thousands of Nationalists without charges. Public outrage and the fact that the internees were viewed as distinct from the rest of the prison population caused the British government to allow them special privileges. Later, all imprisoned perpetrators of politically motivated crime were given the same rights when they were granted Special Category Status in 1972. The British government soon realized their mistake in legitimizing the Nationalist struggle against them by treating them as prisoners of war. They ended the internment policy and criminalized all acts of violence, no matter the motivation. The Nationalist prisoners responded with a chain of demonstrations that culminated in the 1981 Hunger Strike. This protest managed, through the death of ten prisoners and the election of one of those to the Northern Ireland Assembly, to bring the Nationalist cause to worldwide attention and arouse both popular and political support at home.
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The Conflict in Northern Ireland, 2002.
Examines the conflict between Ireland's Catholics and Protestants.
2,570 words (approx. 10.3 pages), 7 sources, £ 53.95
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Abstract
This paper explores the great parity the exists amongst Ireland's Protestants and Catholics. The author looks at the religious, social and political conflict that existed and still exists between these two communities and how this may be resolved in the future.
From the Paper
"During the 12th Century, King Henry II of England attempted to annex Ireland to his kingdom. He was only able to control a small area around Dublin, but over the next 4 centuries, the English culture expanded throughout the island, despite resistance from the inhabitants, who between themselves also fought control of the land."
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Northern Ireland Hostilities, 1993.
Relationship between violence & politics. Discusses the history of Catholic-Protestant conflict, Bloody Sunday, strategies, British role, IRA, internment and Provos.
4,725 words (approx. 18.9 pages), 6 sources, £ 93.95
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From the Paper
" On a Sunday in January of 1972, an angry but peaceful civil.rights march in Northern Ireland was shattered by gunfire from British paratroopers who had been brought in to act as peacekeepers in the civil strife between Northern Irish Protestants and Catholics. When the shooting was over, 13 unarmed civilian marchers lay dead. In the aftermath, the Troubles in Northern Ireland took a new and more violent turn, and peace has not yet returned to the province.
The following essay is a study of the relationship of violence and political leverage. Bloody Sunday, as the shootings in January of 1972 came to be called, was not itself an act designed for leverage. For the British Army, which had done the shooting, it was indeed a severe political setback. But it took place within..and to a degree was made inevitable.."
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Northern Ireland, 2002.
Discusses the "Troubles" as a fight between the Protestants and the Catholics.
1,125 words (approx. 4.5 pages), 6 sources, £ 27.95
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Abstract
Discusses the "Troubles" as a fight between the Protestants and the Catholics. History of the region which is politically part of the United Kingdom. Role of the Irish Republican Army (IRA) and its use of armed warfare and religious strategies to end British rule. Efforts over the years to stop the violence.
From the Paper
"NORTHERN IRELAND
Politically still part of the United Kingdom, Northern Ireland's "Troubles" continue as a fight between the Protestants and the Catholics. Geographically, Northern Ireland is slightly larger than the state of Connecticut, and consists of 26 districts, "derived from the boroughs of Belfast and Londonderry and the counties of Antrim, Armagh, Down, Fermanagh, Londonderry and Tyrone. Together, they are commonly referred to as Ulster, though the territory does not contain the entire ancient province of Ulster." (Brunner 877) Part of the contention deals with the so-called Six Counties, as the Protestants see it, and Nine counties (adding Donegal, Cavan and Monaghan from the ancient Ulster kingdom) that the Catholics want to preserve. Ulster (as we will refer to it from here on) was part of Catholic Ireland, until ..."
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