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Modern Russian Political History, 2005.
This paper reviews in detail the intricacies of modern Russian political history from the writing of the new constitution to relationships with the E.U..
7,120 words (approx. 28.5 pages), 22 sources, MLA, £ 110.95
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Abstract
This paper explains that, although Russian politics may appear to be chaotic, several factors underlie the problems in Russia, such as the history, the republics and regions and the diversity of the various groups involved. The author points out that, during the long, conflicted drafting process of the new constitution from June 1990 to November 1993, attention was often focused on the highly visible, disputed separation-of-powers doctrine; however, the process of drafting a new constitution for Russia also became protracted by the less conspicuous but progressively contentious, division-of-powers issue. The paper relates that Yeltsin's actions during the 1991 coup did much to bring democracy to Russia but he did not lived up to such ideals; even though plagued by ill health, Yeltsin's competence as a leader had long been suspect and corruption, crime and economic malaise flourished in Russia.
From the Paper
"The EU foreign ministers expressed their support for the Council of Europe's continuing cooperation with and assistance to Russia under the condition that Russia abides by its commitments. They acknowledged the efforts made by the Russian authorities for having the presence of Council of Europe experts in Russia and their promise of allowing free access by the International Red Cross to the detention camps in Chechnya. Portuguese Foreign Minister Jaime Gama and EU high representative of common foreign and defense policy Javier Solana briefed the foreign ministers about their recent trip to Moscow, where they met with President-elect Vladimir Putin and Foreign Minister Igor Ivanov."
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Russian Political Evolution, 1992.
Examines cycles of despotism and freedom from the early 19th Century to 1991, discussing power, social forces, leadership, reform, military and ideology.
2,700 words (approx. 10.8 pages), 10 sources, £ 66.95
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From the Paper
"The purpose of this research is to examine the cycle of political despotism and freedom that is characteristic of the history of Russia, from the period of Tsar Nicholas I to the current period. The plan of the research will be to set forth the scope and limit of the study in the context of political development in Russia, and then to discuss what could be called the pendulum of social experience that has affected dramatic political and cultural change in the country.
The modern post-monarchical history of Russia is embedded in its monarchic past. To understand how and why sociocultural and sociopolitical change has so dramatically affected Russia from time to time, it is necessary to understand the forces militating both for and against such change throughout the country's history. And a decisive fact about that history is the massive ..."
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Modern Russian Literature, 2007.
This paper compares similar themes in three modern Russian novels: Isaac Babel's "Red Cavalry", Yuri Olesha's "Envy" and Vaarlam Shalamov's "Kolyma Tales".
2,180 words (approx. 8.7 pages), 3 sources, MLA, £ 46.95
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Abstract
This paper explains that, in "Red Cavalry", "Envy" and "Kolyma Tales, the prisoners in the labor camp and soldiers in the war were more alike than different because, although they both had little to motivate them and less to live for, these people strove to escape to freedom. The author points out that, nevertheless, for the characters in these novels, death is the ultimate end; although few of the characters were frightened or showed they were frightened. The paper relates that hunger was one of the most compelling and memorable experiences, as illustrated by Babel's passage about the killing of a goose and the camaraderie it brought to Gorky or by Olesha's passage, which referred to a man just about to dig into a huge evening "snack". The paper includes several comparative quotations.
From the Paper
"In addition, they indicate the tenacity and sheer will of the men. Pugachov has survived a German POW camp, a military trial, and another labor camp, all for fighting for his country and doing nothing wrong. In the "Red Cavalry", the men are all fighting a war they do not think will ever end, and yet they continue to endure terrible conditions to continue with their mission. These men all have an incredible will to live, but they are not stupid, and recognize there comes a time when will is not enough. The men of the Cavalry fight because it is their duty, and they die, as well, like the Rabbi's son, who Gorky calls the "last prince". "
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Russian History and Politics, 2006.
This paper focuses on the general history and politics of Russia from 1918 to the present.
909 words (approx. 3.6 pages), 1 source, MLA, £ 22.95
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Abstract
The writer of this paper supplies a brief yet concise look at Russia's population which currently boasts more than 160 different ethnic groups that call the Russian Federation home. This paper details the makeup of the Russian Federation, which is comprised of 89 constituencies and 21 republics, that enjoy a high degree of autonomy that correspond to some of Russia's ethnic minorities. This paper examines the events that led to the fall of the U.S.S.R. and the collapse of the communist government in 1991. This paper delves into the various leaders of Russia including Joseph Stalin, Vladimir Lenin, Boris Yeltsin who banned the Communist party and Vladimir Putin. This paper discusses the circumstances surrounding the Russian Civil War which claimed 9 million lives. This paper also contains pertinent facts and statistics relating to this particular topic.
From the Paper
"After Stalin's death in 1953, Nikita Khrushchev became the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party and Georgi Malenkov as Premier of the Soviet Union. Under this new leadership, an amnesty was declared for some who were serving prison sentences for criminal offices, price cuts were announced, and a relaxation of restrictions on private plots, ending the role of large-scale forced labor in the economy. From 1958 to 1964, Khrushchev was also the Premier of the Soviet Union. The ten years following Stalin's death saw the reassertion of political power over the means of coercion, thus the party became the dominant institution over the secret police and army."
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Literature and Russian Politics, 2004.
A look at why literature become such an important force for opposition to the Soviet government in the years 1953-1985.
2,425 words (approx. 9.7 pages), 9 sources, APA, £ 51.95
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Abstract
This paper examines how literature became an effective source of opposition to the regime in the U.S.S.R. because of a number of complex factors. It explores how the Russian literary tradition of forming a ?second government? dates back to the 19th century and provided inspiration to literary dissidents in the Soviet Union. It discusses how the failure of ?Socialist Realism? to sufficiently replace genuinely critical literature meant that there was a desire for a form of literature that more accurately reflected the reality of life in the U.S.S.R and how the relaxation of censorship immediately after the fall of Stalin saw literary boundaries pushed through journals and then through unofficial samizdat literature. It also looks at how when the samizdat writers began to be prosecuted the movement became one of dissidents and how these writers who defended their right to free speech against the regime became the start of the democratic movement in the U.S.S.R..
From the Paper
"Literature on the experiences of Russian people in Soviet camps had been restricted under Stalin?s regime. According to Toker, the only accounts of life in the gulags that were permitted were ?loyalist? narratives in which the protagonist remained loyal to the regime. It was notable that in his secret speech Kruschev did not denounce camps as such and merely condemned the unjustified persecution and discrediting of loyal communists. Therefore, literature on camps was still restricted under Khruschev. According to Toker, through his secret speech Khruschev had been essentially oppressing a wider truth by revealing a small amount. By showing up some of the previous regimes brutality he meant to imply that any kind of public exposal of the Stalinist regime was superfluous."
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Modern Political Theory, 2004.
Examines Machiavelli's political theories and his influence on modern political theory.
2,877 words (approx. 11.5 pages), 2 sources, MLA, £ 59.95
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Abstract
This paper outlines the central idea of Machiavelli's political theory as it is presented his book, "The Prince". The paper talks about what prompted Machiavelli to write the book, the four things Machiavelli said a prince must possess in order to conquer lands and become more influential, Machiavelli's philosophy on being evil and practicing violence, Machiavelli's views on how a leader should receive advice, and how an interloper should be treated.
From the Paper
"Machiavelli?s political theory is found in his book, ?The Prince? which offers sound political and military advice to those in power. He was deeply concerned about his country and wanted to find out what was it that had turned France into a great country. France was united under one Prince and had been one highly successful country. Machiavelli closely studied the French monarchy and some other great nations in ancient history and decided that if Italy wanted to succeed the same way, it was required to follow some of the principles described in his book ?the Prince?. It is important to make it clear that most of the views expressed in his book take readers by surprise, in fact they might shock him because of their rather audacious nature. But they are likely to leave a reader wiser and more equipped with skills needed to run a country because they are not based on emotions but common sense."
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Teutonic Knights and Russian History, 2004.
An examination of the effect that Teutonic Knights had on the development of Russian history.
3,458 words (approx. 13.8 pages), 10 sources, MLA, £ 67.95
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Abstract
This paper analyzes 12th and 13th century Russian history, focusing on the period of the Teutonic Knights and the Baltic Crusade. It explains that the area of the Rus had been Christianized in large part before the knights arrived; the Baltic region had not been Christianized very much at all, however. The Baltic tribes had been plundered by their own neighbors; in turn, the Baltic tribes plundered shipping and trading from the rest of established Europe.
From the Paper
"When we think of Russia today, especially post-Communism, we think of a vast territory stretching from somewhere vaguely European across frozen wastelands of Siberia to the Bering Straits and a stone?s throw from Alaska. But Russia, as conceived in earlier times, was more often thought of as a collection of small states?modern Estonia, Lithuania, Latvia and even Poland?and running eastward toward Moscow, but not much farther. ?The term, the Baltic Crusade, is today understood to refer first of all to the crusading program in medieval Livonia (modern Latvia and Estonia) and secondarily to those in Finland, Prussia and Lithuania. The campaigns undertaken by a variety of nationalities (primarily German, but also Swedish, Danish, Polish, English and French) extended over three centuries,? wrote William Urban in ?Victims of the Baltic Crusade. ? (1998)"
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Russian History, 2006.
A look at the different forms of political leadership in Russia and the final move towards democracy.
5,487 words (approx. 21.9 pages), 8 sources, MLA, £ 93.95
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Abstract
This paper examines this political history of the Soviet Union, from communism, socialism and finally the adoption of democracy. It explains that the current political situation and economic state of the Russia Federation is quite weak and that it will take many years of investment in order for the situation to stabilize.
Outline:
Introduction: A Newfound Freedom
History of the Soviet Union
The Theory of Socialism
Stalin's Reformation
The Cold War
The Fall of Communism
A Newborn Economy
Five Years' Progress
Western Intervention
Conclusion: Return to Glory
From the Paper
"Economists and leaders not living within Russia's boundaries are also very interested in its reforming economy. The Soviet Union was a major player in international economics before its breakup. Outsiders are eager to see how the Russian people respond to the free market, and the impact the Russian Federation will have in the twenty-first century.
Because of the size of the country, it will be impossible for any outside force to operate Russia's fledgling economy. The ultimate success or failure of the system will depend entirely on the Russian people. (Brendenkamp) One of the most important ways that Europe and the United States can help is by providing money directly to the Russian government. This view is most popular within Russia because it would ease the transition, but many Westerners fear it would be
misused by government officials. Aid in the form of food for the 30 million living under the poverty line is more universally supported. (Brendenkamp)"
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Modern Political Theories, 2003.
A look at classical realism and complex interdependency theory in modern politics.
2,380 words (approx. 9.5 pages), 6 sources, APA, £ 50.95
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Abstract
This paper exlores major tenets of classical realism and complex interdependency theory. It argues that classical realism does not provide adequate theories for modern politics because of the rise of nonstate actors, the decline in the importance of military force and the blurred boundary between domestic and foreign politics. Each weakness of classical realism is argued with a specific historical evidence. It also demonstrates how weaknesses of classical realism can be overcome by strength of complex interdependency theory.
From the Paper
"The traditional agenda of international affairs ? the balance among major powers, the security of nations ? no longer defines our perils or our possibilities. Now we are entering a new era. Old international patterns are crumbling; old slogans are uninstructive; old solutions are unavailing. The world has become interdependent in economics, in communications, in human aspirations. " Realist perspectives on politics have existed since Thucydides and have evolved through the work of scholars such as Machiavelli, Hobbes, and Rousseau. Tempered by two world wars, realism became the dominant discipline of international politics. Realism, focusing mainly on the roles of states and power in international politics, and elaborated by scholars such as Hans Morgenthau and John Herz, provides an effective frame for understanding international politics of the post world war era. However, witnessing tremendous incidents in international relations such as the Vietnam War, the oil crisis, the rise of a transnational advocacy networks, and the rapid post-war spread of multinational corporations, scholars have begun to realize that realism does not always provide adequate theory for every historical event. Consequently, they seek ?better? alternatives to realism. This search leads to two questions: in which areas is realism weak? And which alternative would be ideal for overcoming the weaknesses of realism? This essay will argue that classical realism, which is still crucial for understanding the concepts of power, national interests, and rationality, is particularly weak at accounting for changes in international politics such as the rise of nonstate actors, the decline in the importance of military force, and the blurred boundary between domestic and foreign politics. Nonetheless, the weaknesses of realism can be overcome, and it will be argued that an examination of the main tenets of both classical realism and complex interdependency theory reveals that complex interdependency theory provides a more adequate theory than does classical realism and can better account for the areas in which classical realism is weak. In order to clarify this argument, this essay will begin by describing the main tenets of classical realism and complex interdependency theory."
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Political Theories in Modern Society, 2002.
A comparison of the political theories of Toennies and Durkheim in modern society.
1,400 words (approx. 5.6 pages), 4 sources, £ 36.95
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Abstract
This paper will compare Toennies and Durheim with respect to what each implies or suggests as to the kind of politics possible today in complex modern societies. In doing so, a comparison of each man's analysis of the specific factors will determine the kind of politics each man takes to be possible. By analyzing these differing theories on politics in today's world, a well-balanced comparison can be achieved between these two men.
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Low Voting Turn Out and Political Apathy in Modern America, 2000.
A discussion of the reasons for the trend of low voter turn out in America.
1,081 words (approx. 4.3 pages), 3 sources, £ 25.95
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From the Paper
"March 7, 2000 was what we call ?Super Tuesday?. More than fifteen presidential primaries took place that day. Most of Americans were interested in whether who would win those primaries. However, some of Americans were also concerned that Americans do not seem to care about politics. It is because they are well aware of the fact that the participation rate of Americans in national elections is very low. According to G. Bingham Powell, Jr, only 59 percent of Americans voted in presidential elections from 1960 to 1978 and a much smaller percentage vote in congressional contests. Based on this information some might wonder why Americans do not show their political interest by voting more. Is it because of political apathy or something more than that? A lot of scholars have studied on this particular issue and they have concluded that having a large number of elections, hassle of voter registration, more chances to participate in politics other than voting, and decline in political party with strong ideology that differs from others have contributed to this trend."
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Political Analysis and Political Philosophy, 2002.
A look at whether the problems of political analysis and political philosophy are distinct.
6,093 words (approx. 24.4 pages), 9 sources, MLA, £ 99.95
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Abstract
Political analysis and political philosophy are two human activities engaged in by men striving to know the world. The problems of political analysis and political philosophy rest on the problems concerning man?s knowledge of the world. The paper shows that such knowledge is the result of attempts to describe, analyze, explain and interpret the actions and beliefs of men as they live in the real, material world. This essay presents an argument against that school which would draw a sharp distinction between two sorts of knowledge, each type being the result of a separate and distinct activity. According to this school, political analysis is concerned solely with the identification and description of political phenomena. The paper explains that the problems of political analysis are, thus, said to be ?scientific? problems, directed towards the discovery of empirically testable scientific ?laws?. This essay shows that, despite its empirical orientation, political analysis is underpinned by a wider set of theoretical perspectives, such that analysis itself reflects elements of the observer?s political philosophy. The paper concludes that political analysis and political philosophy are intimately connected; many of the ?problems? are common to both. Each activity - analysis and philosophy - heightens the level of human knowledge.
From the Paper
"What is presented to the political analyst is a mass of apparently chaotic social phenomena; what Heinrich Rickert calls ?formless matter?. The task of the political analyst is to structure and give order to that part of reality he has chosen to explain. Already we have recognized two crucial problems for political analysis. The first arises from the necessity of selecting specific areas of reality for study. I shall discuss later the way in which a certain limited range of ?problems? present themselves for the political analyst?s particular concern. The problem-field is limited in such a way that the possibilities for different accounts of politics is itself restricted. The task of political analysis is also complicated by the fact that knowledge of the world is not immediately attainable; understanding is mediated through mental constructions and elaborations (language, concepts and constructed arguments) of real, observable situations and events. Thus, Aron says of the methodology of science ?all science is an elaboration or construction of formless matter? (2)."
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Architecture: Modernism, Pre-Modernism and Post-Modernism, 2002.
A discussion of the different movements - pre-modernism, modernism and post-modernism - in architectural history and how each one differs from the other.
2,550 words (approx. 10.2 pages), 10 sources, MLA, £ 53.95
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Abstract
A paper which discusses the different movements in architectural history and compares the differences between them. The paper shows how among these movements, modernism is the most popular and how it has influenced art and architecture in the United States and Europe. It shows, on the other hand, that pre-modernism is a less popular era in which architecture was influenced by the industrial age and its need for order and precision, and that Post-modernism was the movement that followed modernism and contains elements of both classicism and modernism.
From the Paper
"During the modernism movement, architects started using steel and iron more in their designs and they also started focusing on functional designs. Apart from the use of steel and iron, concrete was also brought back to the architectural world. It is important to know here that concrete is one thing that sets late 19th century buildings from pre-modernism architectural designs. While concrete was first used by the Romans in 5 B.C., it was later taken over by other materials such as marble, stone, brick etc. Modernists are responsible for the revival of concrete in architecture."
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The Politics and Economics of the Modern State, 2003.
An examination of the importance of the development of the modern state in shaping both the political and economic orders constitutive of modernity.
3,103 words (approx. 12.4 pages), 13 sources, MLA, £ 62.95
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Abstract
This paper embarks on an examination of the development of the modern state. It shows how, once the modern state had developed, it played a crucial role in shaping both the economic and political orders of modernity. Indeed, this work goes further by arguing that the modern state was active in managing, perpetuating, and regulating changes in the economic sphere. Furthermore, it was the central mechanism through which the changes in the political sphere were organised, formalised and exercised. A detailed account of the different ways in which the modern state shaped the political and economic spheres is provided and an attempt is made to explore how the modern state was able to do this. It ends by acknowledging the changing role of the modern state and re-evaluates its importance in a period marked by globalization.
From the Paper
"The ideals of the Enlightenment of the 18th century became inscribed within modernity, these were premised on the notion that the modes of thought and organisation associated with traditional society must be eradicated. Moreover, in the place of traditional society, a new society should be built which is rationally constructed through the application of reason. The Enlightenment marked a final decisive break between traditional society and the modern world and this period was charcterised by a great degree of optimism in the human condition. At the same time however new problems and issues were emerging as a result of the transformations, these can be viewed as being two-fold. Firstly, there was the problem of responding to the changes in the mode of production, and the activities of the bourgeoisie."
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