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U.S. Military Intervention in Iraq, 2002.
An essay that analyzes the issues of U.S. military intervention in Iraq if the U.N. weapons inspectors are hindered in their role.
1,513 words (approx. 6.1 pages), 4 sources, MLA, £ 34.95
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Abstract
This essay focuses on the national debate in the US as to whether there should be military intervention in Iraq if the weapons inspectors are hindered. The writer presents an analysis of the arguments both for and against intervention and highlights the position of President Bush and those who oppose him. The paper maintains that Iraq has attempted to create weapons of mass destruction and needs to be stopped. It concludes by arguing that there is currently worldwide support for a US led initiative and this makes it an opportune time to persevere in attempting to bring stability to the region.
From the Paper
"There is a nationwide debate-taking place about whether or not the U.S. should intervene militarily if Iraq hinders the weapons inspection process. The debate is not just across political party lines, Americans from all walks of life are contemplating this decision. If war is declared with Iraq, the U.S. and hopefully, their allies, will be looking at a military campaign with the use of ground troops, possibly occupying Iraqi cities. I believe there is credible evidence that Iraq has attempted to produce weapons of mass destruction and should be stopped."
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Military Intervention, 2006.
A study discussing what circumstances are required before military intervention is deemed appropriate.
5,648 words (approx. 22.6 pages), 14 sources, APA, £ 94.95
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Abstract
This study attempts to evaluate the best possible use of military intervention so that universal standards of the use of military force can be established for the international community. The paper evaluates the dangers involved in both the use of force and in not using force and attempts to determine which situations make the use of military force appropriate.
Table of Contents
Statement of the Problem
Significance of the Study
Purpose of the Study
Rationale of the Study
Hypothesis
Literature Review
Methodology
Collection of Data
Data Analysis and Search Tactics
Discussion
Recommendations
From the Paper
"Generally speaking, the use of military force has been restricted to the expansion of territory and with the apparent needs of capitalism such as trade, finance and natural resources. However as of September 11, 2001, the doctrine of military intervention has drastically transformed because of the new threat of terrorism that has surfaced. This threat of terrorism does not appear in the form of state, nation or ethnic group, but rather in the form of individual groups who seek to solve their disputes by resorting to violence because they see the world and its residents as selfish and greedy who have failed to address their needs."
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Canadian Military Intervention in Afghanistan, 2007.
This paper analyzes the negative impact of Canadian military intervention for democracy in Afghanistan.
1,056 words (approx. 4.2 pages), 3 sources, APA, £ 25.95
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Abstract
In this article, the writer notes that the idea of a nation's independent sovereignty is the basis of proving the irrational and negative aspects of Canadian military intervention in Afghanistan's democratic elections. Furthermore, the writer points out that the link between warlord policing units and the Canadian military against the civilian population often contributes to governmental destabilization, which is contrary to the people's will. In essence, the writer maintains that the imposing interventionist policy of the Canadian military will have a negative impact on any form of developmental democracy in Afghanistan.
From the Paper
"The general definition of a democracy is the rule of the people to chose their own representational leaders in government. The will of the people in Afghanistan should be the guiding rule of law if this form of government is going to be implemented. However, after the military invasion of Afghanistan by the United States in 2001, Canada has decidedly taken the view that the country must become "democratized" in accordance with U.S. policy in the region. This policy is founded on the principle that the country must be under Canadian military control, along with other NATO countries, but has failed to bring any type of stability or order in the country to allow legal elections to occur. Military occupation by the Canadian military has often been a source of antagonism to law and order, as they often do not correctly separate "insurgents" or members of the Taliban from the innocent non-combatant civilians in the region. Alongside the military occupation of Afghanistan, the Canadian and American military have installed a warlord-backed police force to deal with any type of civilian rebellion in the region."
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The Kosovo Conflict: Military Intervention and Humanitarian Crisis, 2002.
A paper which studies the structure and dynamics of the Kosovo Conflict and the humanitarian crisis management by the international community.
7,694 words (approx. 30.8 pages), 20 sources, MLA, £ 116.95
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Abstract
This paper explores the Kosovo conflict, its escalation in 1998 and its subsequent management. It is divided in four parts. First, it deals with the accusations of human rights violations within the province and presents diverse evidence from various human rights groups on the existence of such abuses. Second, it examines the Serbian response to these allegations and the reasons behind Milosevic's unwillingness to rectify the worsening situation. Third, it presents an evaluation of the need for intervention with regard to International Law and previous humanitarian practice. Fourth, it analyzes the diplomatic and military actions taken by the International Community.
Table of Contents:
Introduction.
The Human Rights Situation in Kosovo:
History of Albanian Mistreatment.
Allegations of Human Rights Violations.
The Serbian Response to Accusations of Human Rights Violations.
An Evaluation of the Need for Intervention with Regard to International Humanitarian Law
An Examination of the Accusations of Human Rights Violations.
On the Legality of Military Intervention.
International Action
International Humanitarian Action in Perspective: The Failure of Diplomacy and the NATO Bombing Campaign
Belated Recommendations: Was there an Alternative?
Conclusion
From the Paper
"The Bosnia and the Kosovo conflicts marked the biggest outbreaks of violence in Europe after the end of the Second World War. The instable political environment in federal Yugoslavia after the fall of communism, brought about the emergence of salient ethnic issues, which led to the deaths of tens of thousands of people. The focus of this paper is the Kosovo conflict, the human rights violations that led to its escalation, and the international response that followed. Even though the situation in Serbia has changed and democratic parties are in power, the Kosovo question is still far from being resolved due to the mutual hatred of Serbs and Albanians. Moreover, the downturn of the Kosovo crisis gave credibility to the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) as a political player, which has further exacerbated the situation not only in Kosovo, but also in neighboring Montenegro and Macedonia."
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International Military Interventions, 2004.
This paper explores the justifications for international military interventions.
3,164 words (approx. 12.7 pages), 10 sources, MLA, £ 77.95
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Abstract
In this discussion, the writer looks at justifications for international military interventions and rationale's for intervention. The writer examines the regional and geopolitical history of Iraq and Sudan in this regard. The writer also discusses human rights violations. This article looks at relevant literature and discussions and compares the intervention into Iraq with a possible military invention into Sudan.
From the Paper
"This paper explores the literature and arguments surrounding the U.S. led intervention into Iraq, with justifications offered for an international intervention into Darfur Sudan today. The question posed is whether the conditions in Iraq leading up to U.S. intervention are comparable to those in Darfur currently and therefore whether they require similar armed military intervention. The paper concludes that the situations are dissimilar and only the conditions in Darfur mandate and authorize intervention. To answer the question the paper looks at the ... "
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American Intervention, 2005.
This paper evaluates the 1982 origins and justifications for American military intervention in Palestine.
2,475 words (approx. 9.9 pages), 6 sources, £ 67.95
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Abstract
This paper seeks to determine the 1982 military intervention of the United States in Lebanon. The paper explains that this beholds a many faceted justification for military action before diplomacy was even considered. The paper discusses how the wide variety of information on financial and military support for Israel decidedly offers an argument that limits the moral justification of saving the lives of PLO members, as well as the Christians, that had been killed due to combat between Arabs and the Israeli Army.
From the Paper
"This political study will examine the 1982 origins of the military intervention by United States military forces in Palestine. By analyzing the various Israeli-Palestinian conflicts of this era, we see the nature of military intervention to protect Christian populations in Israel ultimately failed as a consequence of the U.S. Embassy bombing in 1983. The justification to provide safety for those Christians outside of the conflict between Arab and Jew was the main source for intervention, but failed due to policy issues and political/military misjudgments that were not taken into consideration within the Reagan Administration. In essence, the close ties with Lebanese/Christian Arabs and the support America had given financially to the building of a large Jewish army resulted in an unsuccessful military intervention in this region."
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Force in International Law, 2004.
A discussion of the implications of the military interventions in Kosovo in 1999 and the military intervention in Iraq 2003.
3,049 words (approx. 12.2 pages), 17 sources, APA, £ 61.95
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Abstract
The paper looks at how the NATO intervention in Kosovo in 1999 and the U.S./U.K. led intervention in Iraq have created new problems for international lawyers and academics alike. It debates whether there is a doctrine of humanitarian intervention and a doctrine of pre-emptive self defence. It examines the various security council resolutions and discusses whether the interventions in Kosovo and Iraq were legal given the lack of security council approval. It also analyzes the effects of military action in Afghanistan and whether or not there is a doctrine of pre-emptive self defence since September 11th.
From the Paper
"The NATO intervention in Kosovo on the 23rd March 1999 lasted seventy nine days and the use of force in this situation divided world opinion and the differing reactions since then have continued to be split over the legitimacy of humanitarian intervention. Of those who supported the action the United Kingdom and the United States were the two strongest advocates of the action. One of the primary aims of the United Nations Charter is to protect the human rights of all people and in Kosovo the human rights of many Kosovar Albanians were being infringed upon by the excessive use of force by the Serbian security forces and the Yugoslav army. This forms part of the basis for establishing a new international doctrine of humanitarian intervention."
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United States Intervention Policy, 2002.
This paper argues that the United States?s regular intervention into the domestic affairs of other countries has been the biggest cause of exponential growth in terrorist activities around the world.
1,385 words (approx. 5.5 pages), 5 sources, MLA, £ 32.95
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Abstract
This paper states that America?s foreign policy, requiring military intervention by the United States every time something goes wrong in any corner of the world, has not resolved the conflict and has given rise to immense resentment against United States interests. The author believes that the Middle East conflict is the most perfect example of American intervention going haywire; the case of Lebanon is used as an example. The paper contends that even the United States cannot afford to intervene in every conflict, since its military and economic resources are limited, and America?s intervention in internal insurgencies is likely to backfire.
Table of Contents
Introduction
Case against USA Intervention
Counter-argument
Conclusion
From the Paper
"We must bear in mind that current rise in organized terrorism has its roots in all such US interventionist attacks in Middle Eastern region. Deep-rooted resentment against America?s double standards and its selfish interventionism has given birth to a chain of terrorist organizations that have now become a major threat to peace and security of Americans everywhere in the world."
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The U.S. Military's War on Drugs, 2006.
This paper examines the role of the U.S. military in aiding Latin American countries win the war on drugs.
2,024 words (approx. 8.1 pages), 11 sources, APA, £ 44.95
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Abstract
This paper explores the growing cocaine and marijuana market in Latin American countries and the lack of local resources available to prevent this valuable and profitable industry from expanding even more. The writer of this paper details the U.S. military's role in aiding these countries, as well as the cost to the American people, while pondering if the American military should even be involved in drug related issues outside the U.S. The cost for the military intervention in the war on drugs continues to rise and has created entirely new perceptions about money and the military both within and outside the U.S. This paper discusses the military involvement in the war on drugs and cites the leading recipients of aid, military equipment, training and personnel. This paper also delves into a program, involving military participation, which was recently introduced in Congress, called the Western Hemisphere Drug Elimination Act. This act would authorized $2.3 billion over three years for military hardware, personnel, training and a small amount for alternative crop development in various Latin American countries.
From the Paper
"Even though the House and various representatives have called on military action, the Pentagon was reluctant- albeit, it finally was dragged into it. Even though the Pentagon budget continues to grow, year after year, there are still concerns that legislators who dole out the tens of millions of dollars are underestimating the total cost. In a recent report to the House and Senate armed services committees, the Department of Defense estimated that "24-hour surveillance of the U.S. 'southern fence', the border from Jacksonville, Florida, to San Diego, full interdiction capability, and C13 programs, would cost between $480.4 million and $760.5 million annually, depending on the equipment mix ." All this money without a single soldier leaving the continental U.S.- even though advisers may now be operating in the various targeted Latin American countries. All that has been publicized, and strongly so, are planes and equipment, everything from helicopters to flame throwers which are supposed to be used by the local troops."
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Military Influence in Pakistan, 2004.
This paper discusses military influence as the establishment power in Pakistan.
3,018 words (approx. 12.1 pages), 4 sources, APA, £ 61.95
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Abstract
In this article, the writer discusses in detail the reasons why the military has always been the most influential institution in Pakistan. The writer summarizes the factors behind the rise of the army to such influence in context with all the military and political governments that have come to power since 1947. This paper also focuses on how the military regimes have tried to maximize the army's influence in the civil domain, creating a military bureaucracy. An evaluation of the present situation is also provided with the implications it might have in the future. Finally, a limited set of recommendations are also considered for a solution to this consistent military influence in the country's politics.
Outline:
Introduction
First Direct Military Intervention
Conclusion & Recommendations
From the Paper
"Pakistan's founder Jinnah had stressed on the making of a constitution as soon as possible but his untimely death only a year later and then the assassination of Liaquat Ali Khan left the Muslim League and the nation with no real leader who could pursue the Quaid's vision. Then the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly (which was formed before partition to draft a constitution) by Ghulam Mohammad resulted in Pakistan not having the rules laid down for a proper political system. In such circumstances the military establishment on its own assumed the responsibility to govern Pakistan. It might sound like a very noble deed on their part but a full and critical analysis shows the military had its own reasons for such an intervention. After the initial eleven years of wrangling between bureaucrats in politics, the military establishment has been the major power-house institution to rule Pakistan."
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Humanitarian Intervention, 2004.
Examines to what extent there has been an emerging international norm of 'humanitarian intervention' and how successful attempts at humanitarian intervention have been.
2,320 words (approx. 9.3 pages), 10 sources, MLA, £ 49.95
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Abstract
This paper argues that humanitarian intervention, defined as military intervention in a state without the consent of its government, has become an international norm during the period since 1985. Since the U.N. is virtually always the primary agent of intervention, the paper begins by analyzing the reasons for the U.N.'s increasing number of interventions and why they are moving away from the traditional model and shifting towards humanitarian intervention without consent. The results of these interventions have varied, and the paper discusses three precedent-setting cases from the early 1990s in which the consent of parties as a requirement for U.N. humanitarian action was downgraded. Limited, focused humanitarian intervention has been successful, as exemplified by U.N. protection of Kurds in Northern Iraq. When the U.N. and U.S. intervened in Somalia, however, they lost their focus and took on large and varied tasks. In that case, intervention failed. Intervention also fails when it is done halfheartedly, and force is not used even when it is needed. This is what happened in the allied and U.N. humanitarian intervention in Bosnia. For each case study, the paper explains how it set a precedent in U.N. intervention practice, then analyzes the success or failure of the conflict and the causes for it. The effects of failed intervention are profound. The paper concludes by evaluating the U.N.'s role as the primary intervenor in conflicts since the 1980s.
From the Paper
"There was evidence of "elements of consent" to this in Yugoslavia. Full consent was impossible because of the number of parties and disputes about their status, but through the winter of 1992, interventionist actions were based in consent. But the Security Council's resolution referred obliquely to chapter VII and implied that if Yugoslav consent stopped the UN would continue with its plans. Subsequent resolutions have been written along similar lines. Eventually it became clear that consent and traditional mediation would not halt the fighting, help civilians, or bring a peace settlement. Bosnia never requested humanitarian assistance from the UN, but 4 June 1993, the UN authorized force to defend UN safe area in Bosnia. This was a landmark decision."
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General Model Of Government Intervention, 2002.
Looks at the use and effects of government intervention, and the best approach to intervention.
1,400 words (approx. 5.6 pages), 1 source, £ 36.95
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Abstract
The general model of government intervention is intended as an analytical framework to investigate the use and effects of government intervention. The model demonstrates that a strategic, direct, and coercive intervention is the preferable one for achieving goals.
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U.S. Military Assistance Funding to Indonesia, 2005.
An overview of the people and events, which are causative factors to U.S. military assistance funding in Indonesia.
5,241 words (approx. 21.0 pages), 18 sources, MLA, £ 90.95
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Abstract
This case study examines the issues surrounding the influence, intervention, sanctions, and programs applied toward Indonesia support. Key to this study are the individual people, groups, and institutions surrounding the successes and failures in this assistance and the motivations, perceptions, and agendas involved.
Table of Contents
Introduction
History
Historical Overview of Indonesia and United States' National Security Interests
U.S. Military Assistance Prior to Sanctions and How Funding was Used
Sanctions
Aim
Objectives
The Informal Universe
Issue Leaders
Overview
Indonesia Players
Institutional Linkage
Human Rights Watch
Nike
United States Military Collaboration
Issue Clusters
Assessment
Appendix A
Appendix B
Bibliography
From the Paper
"According to the U.S. Department of State's Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs , Indonesia is a strategic key to our National Security interests. Located strategically alongside several important international maritime crossroads, ingress to the United States from the sea must be managed from such strategic locations. The United States enjoys a reliable relationship with Indonesia at this time; playing a significant role in its independence and supporting its anti-communistic position during the Cold War has worked to repay our nation in 'cordial and cooperative relations' today. Jemaah Islamiyah - a terrorist organization - made its presence known to Indonesia during terrorist attacks on Bali (October 2002) and Jakarta (August 2003). Occurring so close to the United States attacks of September 11, 2001, the alliance - although not a formal treaty - has meaning and value to both countries."
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Darfur and Humanitarian Intervention, 2007.
An analysis of the case of Darfur, Sudan and the neo-liberal view of humanitarian intervention there.
4,200 words (approx. 16.8 pages), 18 sources, MLA, £ 77.95
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Abstract
This paper presents a neo-liberal analysis of the politics of humanitarian intervention with a focus on Darfur in Sudan. It shows how the Sudanese government fails dearly in resolving the humanitarian crisis ther and, in fact, fuels the crisis. The paper looks at the urgent call for intervention from the international community and discusses the issues and disputes that arise from this intervention. The paper makes its analysis from a neo-liberal perspective.
Table of Contents:
Abstract
Introduction
Darfur: A Background
Humanitarian Intervention
Darfur and the Politics of Humanitarian Intervention: A Neo-liberal Analysis
Conclusion
From the Paper
"Last is the issue of resources. With the discovery of oil in Sudan, many of the world's big players, like France and China, have then taken a keen interest of the issues confronting the country. The confirmation of substantial oil reserves in the contested south adds to the country's geopolitical importance. This is evidenced in the tangled US history in Sudan has veered back and forth between close support and active antagonism for decades, first according to the vagaries of regional Cold War alliances and later the exigencies of domestic American politics. Today, the dominant concerns are the "war on terrorism" - and oil. Also, the factor that China is one of the biggest investors in Khartoum and the fact that China gets its supply of oil to fuel its skyrocketing development from Sudan says a lot in its passive response to the atrocities in Darfur.
"This was seen in the role that it played in the delay in the sending of UN peacekeeping forces in Darfur. The immediate cause of the delay has been attributed is the refusal by Sudan's president, Omar Hassan al-Bashir, to agree to a UN force. He is able to get away with this largely because China, a permanent member of the Security Council, continues to protect him with the threat of using its veto. One reason Beijing stands behind Bashir is oil. China is trying to diversify its oil sources beyond the crisis- prone Middle East, and Africa is one obvious alternative. Already, 7 percent of China's imported oil comes from Sudan . Based on this, it is then quite clear that resources do matter in the politics of humanitarian intervention - an issue that is not given much importance in the neo-liberal perspective."
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