| Papers [1-14] of 100 :: [Page 1 of 8] | | Go to page : 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 —> | Search results on "INDONESIA ANTHROPOLOGY ETHNOGRAPHY": |
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Indonesia ? Anthropology and Ethnography, 2002.
A paper which examines the reasons why Indonesia seems to lure anthropologists and ethnographers, and what it is that appeals to their imagination.
1,005 words (approx. 4.0 pages), 1 source, MLA, £ 24.95
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Abstract
The paper shows that though it is impossible to determine why exactly Indonesia, at least for the past two generations, has seemingly laid an irresistible spell on the anthropological world, it is possible to suggest some of the reasons. This paper examines the corner of the state of anthropological practice and theory as they pertain to Indonesia and how these have created intimate links between symbolic anthropology and Indonesian ethnography. The paper discusses how many fine ethnographies have been produced as a direct result of anthropologists? theoretical and paradigmatic interest in Indonesia, of the fact both that anthropological discourse can be seen as a subset of human imaginings and as a result of the fact that some places seem to be better to dream in. The paper examines Tania Murray Li?s article ?Compromising Power: Development, Culture and Rule in Indonesia? in Volume 13, No. 3 of Cultural Anthropology, on the subject.
From the Paper
"Indonesia ? with its own contentious colonial history ? was an ideal setting if one wished to make sense of the role and evolution of cultures in a world in which colonial structures were falling away. Indonesia had at least three other additional inducements for at least American and British anthropologists: Their own countries had not been involved in the colonization of Indonesia so they did not have to feel any guilt over what they found; unlike many ?primitive? cultures, Indonesia societies (for of course this island nation is home to a number of very different cultural groups) are home to not only sophisticated performing and visual arts but also nuanced and complex literary traditions and a history of beautifully proportioned and ingeniously constructed architecture."
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Anthropological Ethnography: The Ritual of Football, 2006.
A discussion regarding the impact of the football culture.
1,575 words (approx. 6.3 pages), 2 sources, £ 43.95
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Abstract
This paper examines the sociological and anthropological implications inherent in the commonplace ritual of a youth football match. Particularly, the paper describes a recent match involving two teams that coincidentally happened to have certain ethnic majorities on their roster. The paper examines why winning this match was so important to the parents and families of the children, and the paper also looks at the social organization, cultural economy, language, and semiotics of the soccer match ritual with an eye towards determining the greater truths and significances it holds.
From the Paper
"It is often said that to truly understand cultures (and human beings more generally) it is necessary to review the rituals in which they participate. The following paper will focus upon one such ritual - namely, the ritual of the local soccer or "football" game which so often takes place at the near-by park or recreational center. In so doing, the paper will explore the social organization, cultural economy, language and semiotics of the ritual with the hope that the reader will be left with a better understanding of the deeper significances and structures which turn the every-day soccer or "football" match into a rich harvest for cultural anthropologists."
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Ethnographies and Fiction: Gender Roles in Rural China, 2002.
A look at anthropological and fictional ethnographies of women's roles in a rural Chinese village during the reign of Mao.
2,150 words (approx. 8.6 pages), 6 sources, £ 56.95
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Abstract
This paper looks at anthropological and fictional ethnographies in Chinese rural life, focusing on one village and the people in that village. These analyses take place over a period of political and economic upheaval, during Mao's campaigns for land and economic reform. Understanding the roles of women in Chinese rural society helps understand political and economic structures.
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Ethnography, 2008.
A looks at ethnography as a social science research method.
5,280 words (approx. 21.1 pages), 18 sources, APA, £ 92.95
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Abstract
This paper outlines the history of ethnography, the principle individuals behind its inception, and the manner in which data is collected. The paper also analyzes the strengths and weakness of ethnography and examines the ethical issues surrounding this type of research. In addition, this paper outlines circumstances when ethnography is a viable research tool and describes the manner in which it has been used in education research. Finally, the paper concludes with some well-known examples of ethnography.
Table of Contents:
Introduction
Overview of Qualitative / Action-Based Research
History of Ethnography
Ethnography as a Viable Research Method
Strengths and Weaknesses of Ethnography
Ethical Issues Surrounding Ethnography
Ethnographical Research Used in Education Research
Well-Known Studies of Ethnography
Conclusion
From the Paper
"Other aspects of ethnographical research that can be considered weaknesses is the types of participant strategies that it involves. The first and most fundamental distinction among observational strategies concerns the extent to which the observer is also a participant in the program activities being studied. Weaknesses in have been pointed out in determining what kind of participation the researcher must engage in. According to Genzuk (2003), the extent of participation is a continuum which varies from complete immersion in the program as full participant to complete separation from the activities observed, taking on a role as spectator."
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Cultural Anthropology Critique, 2008.
This paper provides a critique of three articles: Richa Nagar's "Exploring Methodological Borderlands through Oral Narratives", Faranak Miraftab's "Can You Belly Dance?" and Oyeronke Oyewumi's "Visualizing the Body: Western Theories and African Subjects".
1,522 words (approx. 6.1 pages), 3 sources, APA, £ 35.95
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Abstract
This critical review comments on the themes, methodological challenges, suggestions and perspectives in the three articles: Nagar's "Exploring Methodological Borderlands through Oral Narratives", Miraftab's "Can you Belly Dance?" and Oyewumi's "Visualizing the Body: Western Theories and African Subjects". The writer maintains that these articles all fall within the tradition of feminist contributions to the re-evaluation of difficult challenges that arise within the fields of social anthropology and ethnography. Each adopts a very different approach, but all are thought-provoking, especially because none of the authors is a typical social anthropologist. The writer concludes that all three articles offer different insights and advice. However, the three are welcome voices, in that they smash the typical stereotype of white, Western, usually male cultural anthropologists.
From the Paper
"This traditional situation is subverted by the women researchers in these three articles. For example, Nagar is a young, unmarried woman, from a lower-middle class Hindu family in India, who has affiliations with Western universities, as well as a white boyfriend in the USA. She is multilingual, well educated and a part of the elite in the sense of being globally mobile and funded to do research. In that sense, she is entirely different from the people she researches. On the other hand, when she researches the Asian community of Dar Es Salaam, she has sufficient common ground with some of them - e.g. being Asian, being Hindu, sharing languages, ability to adopt approved clothing styles, such as salwaar kameez, or a sari, depending on context - that she can frequently be accepted by these communities as an insider. This positions her vis-a-vis the communities she studies in an utterly different position than if she had been a white, American man, who quite obviously could not simply don a sari and blend into a social group of Asians in Dar es Salaam! This unusual situation on the one hand puts her in a much less powerful - for example, the American male would probably not be sexually propositioned by an interviewee. However, her entree into these communities must surely enable her to gain more understanding of the communities."
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Field Projects in Anthropology, 2003.
An illustration of the benefits of field work in the anthropology field through field projects, as seen from the view of Crane and Angrosino's,"Field Project in Anthropology: Third Edition."
1,612 words (approx. 6.4 pages), 1 source, APA, £ 36.95
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Abstract
This paper is a thorough analysis of the benefits of field work to the anthropology field, especially to a student or ethnographer. It uses fourteen different field projects as guides for an aspiring anthropologist to use when beginning fieldwork. This paper demonstrates the importance of fieldwork to the anthropology field as a whole, as well as to the individual. All of Crane and Angrosino's projects are summarized, and their meaning is clearly outlined. Topics covered include how to approach, research, begin, continue, and conclude fieldwork in any culture. It provides a concise base from which to base ethnographic studies.
From the Paper
"Julia Crane and Michael Angrosino?s Field Projects in Anthropology (Third Edition) seeks to illustrate the benefits of fieldwork to the anthropology field. Fieldwork is unequivocally necessary for a student to gain anthropological perspective (Crane 1992: v). There are numerous ways that a student can approach fieldwork, and Field Projects shines light on several aspects of anthropological fieldwork through fourteen different projects. These projects characterize some of the more useful data-collection techniques and show students an array of ways to approach anthropological fieldwork (1992: vi)."
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Ethnography and AIDS, 2002.
Examines how the methodology of ethnography can benefit the AIDS community.
2,867 words (approx. 11.5 pages), 4 sources, APA, £ 60.95
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Abstract
This paper, after a very brief overview of the position of ethnography within the larger practice of traditional anthropology, examines the ways in which ethnographic methodology and concerns can be brought to bear on the question of AIDS in either First World or Third World (or both) societies as a way of explaining people?s behaviors in the face of the pandemic. In this sense, ethnographies of communities stricken by AIDS are much the same as traditional ethnographies, for they seek to help explain the customs, beliefs, behaviors, history and cultural institutions of a group of natives. The paper describes two types of ethnographies and demonstrates that ethnography can be done in a way that is consistent with scholarly rigor and yet at the same time is non-exploitative and even helpful of the subject community ? an essential service to those communities already struggling with a deadly virus.
From the Paper
"One of the fascinating possibilities for ethnographic research on AIDS would be to look at how the scientific community has been changed by it ? something that has not yet been studied. The ethnographic research that has been done on AIDS so far has been to look at communities that have been affected by the disease in terms of its members? being sick and dying, and certainly these communities can be better understood and helped through the application of ethnographic techniques. But the worlds of high-tech medicine, of high-stakes pharmacology, and of public health work have also been transformed. While excellent, intelligent accounts of some of these changes have been written about (such as Randy Shilts?s 1987 And the Band Played On: People, Politics and the AIDS Epidemic) there have been no thickly descriptive ethnographic accounts of, for example, a pharmaceutical company trying to find an AIDS vaccine."
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Cultural Anthropology, 2002.
Examines some of the common constants in cultural anthropology and how they apply to the field of cultural anthropology.
650 words (approx. 2.6 pages), 2 sources, £ 18.95
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Abstract
There are distinct relationships between culture, maintenance systems, child rearing and ecology that, when observed from a detached view, provide a wealth of information about all of the communities (and all of their permutations) throughout the world. It is the assertion of this paper that these characteristics of a people, regardless of size or any other factor, are common throughout all peoples and is thus used as primary markers by anthropologists upon which to base their work. Therefore, this paper will demonstrate such relationships and how they apply to the field of cultural anthropology.
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Interpretive vs. Post Processual Anthropology, 2001.
An anthropology paper discussing the differences between processual and post processual anthropology..
1,397 words (approx. 5.6 pages), 3 sources, MLA, £ 32.95
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Abstract
This paper examines how many people believe processual and interpretive archaeology to be completely different schools of thought. By looking at the seven main concepts of processual archaeology and the eight main concepts of interpretive archaeology, the writer demonstrates how they go hand in hand as well as complement each other. The example used is the origin of agriculture.
From the Paper
"Though processual archaeology and interpretive archaeology appear to take different approaches to the study of the human past, they share a common end goal: to understand how societies came into being, how they developed and how they worked, all using data from the archaeological record. The two circles of thought each claim their distinctiveness from the other, but if we compare and contrast their main points, we will see how these two methods relate very closely. In other words, their main differences may just be in terms of scale of analysis. By examining the articles on the origins of agriculture (Redding; Richerson, Boyd, and Bettinger; Hayden; and Hodder) and the approaches of the authors in terms of processual vs. interpretive archaeology, we will see the strengths and weaknesses of each. Ultimately, this analysis will provide insight on how a combination of both fields may prove a more effective method for the study of the human past."
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Feminism and Anthropology, 2003.
A reflection on on the contributions of the feminist perspective to anthropology.
3,140 words (approx. 12.6 pages), 12 sources, MLA, £ 64.95
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Abstract
This paper examines how feminist anthropology emerged in the latter half of the twentieth century and attempted to combat the representation (or lack of it) of women in anthropological writing. It looks at how in doing so, it moved through several stages, from trying to redress the imbalance in ethnographic knowledge, through a critique of the theoretical praxis of anthropology to the uncertain place that it has at present. It examines the background to the feminist movement in anthropology and attempts to see it in historical perspective. It then analyses each of the stages of feminist anthropology and assesses their contribution to the broader subject.
From the Paper
"Feminist anthropology has allowed two great ethnocentric divides to be broken down. The first is that between nature/culture. Running through all the work of feminist anthropology is the rejection of the place women have been assigned as somehow preordained or organic. Fatima Mernissi shows that the passive role of the women in some Muslim societies, who is seen as potentially more sexually aggressive than the male, is a cultural construct: ?what is feared in Muslim marriage is the growth of the involvement between a man and a woman into the all-encompassing love, satisfying the sexual, emotional and intellectual needs of both partners.? Such as involvement would be seen as a direct threat to man's relationship with Allah."
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Political and Economic Anthropology, 2008.
This paper reflects on two chapters in Robert Lavenda and Emily Schultz's "Core Concepts in Cultural Anthropology".
1,065 words (approx. 4.3 pages), 1 source, APA, £ 26.95
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Abstract
This paper explains that Lavina and Schultz in "Core Concepts in Cultural Anthropology" see political anthropology as the study of power, political ideology, political economy, political organization, social stratification, social control and law, status and role and much later ideas of nationalism and hegemony. The author points out that, in 'economic anthropology', all societies are reported to show a form of material life that can be explained in terms of production, exchange or related material culture, which dictates the types of laws and political practices in that society. The paper states that the study of emergencies, crises or wars tells a good deal about matters of nationalism, hegemony and leadership as reactions of weakness to situations that are unpredictable, such as the strong instinct for 'communitas' that was seen when the United States experienced 9/11.
From the Paper
"Some anthropologists like to study how societies cope with unnatural situations or crises. For instance, if a society has known famine and starvation, or is in a climate that means food can be grown or found only for part of the year, there will be effort to save food for hard times. If the food supply is year-round and easily found, there will be less of this planning ahead. What is very valuable will be guarded by law that can mean tradable goods of high value or perhaps special religious items that no ordinary person is to touch."
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Ethnography, 2005.
A look at the concept of ethnography within sociology.
1,452 words (approx. 5.8 pages), 6 sources, MLA, £ 34.95
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Abstract
This paper explains that providing an exact definition for ethnography is difficult due to its subjective nature. It points out that ethnography is a method of sociology research that explores the ways of life of a culture. There are a number of different types of ethnography, and each sociologist must decide the method to employ in his/her own research.
From the Paper
"There is not a set definition of ethnography, as it can be both a process and an outcome. The term can apply to both the methodology and to the written account of an ethnographic project. Ethnography has its roots in social anthropology, which traditionally focused on small-scale communities that were thought to share culturally specific beliefs and practices (Pellatt)."
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Modern Anthropology and Japan, 2002.
This paper discusses the modern concept of the field of anthropology and then analyzes the works: Timon Screech?s ?Sex and the Floating World: Erotic Images in Japan, 1700-1820" and Ruth Benedict?s "The Chrysanthemum and the Sword?.
1,835 words (approx. 7.3 pages), 5 sources, APA, £ 41.95
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Abstract
This paper states that the first generations of ethnographic considered their subjects to be exotic and very different from themselves; whereas, modern anthropologist now approach their subjects as people who are not exactly like themselves and are no longer thought to have inferior cultures. The author continues that this change in anthropology has produced entirely new ways of writing ethnographies. The author applies this approach to the analysis of Timon Screech?s 1999 ?Sex and the Floating World: Erotic Images in Japan, 1700-1820?, which investigates the nexus of gender, sexuality and ambition in ways that are attentive to the intra-cultural variations amongst people and to the famous telling ethnographic story of ambition in Japan in Ruth Benedict?s national character study ?The Chrysanthemum and the Sword?, 1989.
From the Paper
"Another striking difference between Benedict?s work and the Screech?s is that Benedict?s own gender is invisible in the work: We do not have any sense that this is the perspective of a woman writing about a patriarchal society. This is certainly not true in the modern ethnography, which begins with recognition of the high degree of intracultural variation that exists when one takes as one?s cultural reference group an entire nation-state. This attentiveness to individual variation was not yet current during the creation of the kind of ethnography of first-world nations known as national character studies that were popular in the 1930s and 1940s and reflects much of the sensitivity of defining group status that Anderson emphasizes."
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Anthropology in Today?s World, 2002.
A study of the application of anthropology today.
930 words (approx. 3.7 pages), 3 sources, MLA, £ 23.95
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Abstract
This paper describes the relevance of anthropology in today?s world. The paper demonstrates that their discoveries and theories bear heavily on our understanding of our past and future, as illustrated by the recent discovery of Neanderthal violence also sheds light on man?s capacity for love and caring. The paper states that anthropology is defined as ?the science of the physical, cultural and social development of man, his evolution, behavior and geographic distribution from prehistoric times to the present.?
From the Paper
"Anthropology is sometimes viewed as a bit arcane as well, but even a quick glance at some of the aspects of anthropologists? work indicates immediately that anthropology is more relevant today than ever. Indeed, anthropologists are one of the only groups of intellectuals who are able to draw together the hard sciences and social sciences and develop cohesive and encompassing theories of history, sociology and understanding."
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