| Papers [1-14] of 100 :: [Page 1 of 8] | | Go to page : 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 —> | Search results on "HUMAN REMAINS ANTHROPOLOGY": |
|
|
Human Remains and Anthropology, 2002.
An analysis of the importance of the study of human remains to anthropologists
1,900 words (approx. 7.6 pages), 9 sources, £ 50.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper addresses the importance of studying human remains, which are arguably the most important evidence that the anthropologist can consider. Inferring the living conditions of the subjects requires anthropologists to compare human remains found in the field with standards established by the enormous body of data from other studies of human remains. The anthropology of human remains reflects social dynamics in an informative fashion, both medical and cultural. The paper addresses evidence found in bones, teeth, and mummified soft tissues, and links it to current findings in medical and cultural anthropology.
| |
|
Human Genome Project, 2000.
An examination of the need need for anthropological approach to the study of human genetics, focusing on the Human Genome Project.
675 words (approx. 2.7 pages), 1 source, £ 16.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
From the Paper
"Genetics, Variation, and Anthropology
Introduction
For over a decade, researchers in the biological sciences have been collecting data on human genetics in the massive Human Genome Project and other smaller efforts. Scientists in other specialties have begun to examine this database in order to extend the genetic age to other disciplines. Anthropologists, in particular, are interested in human genetics because of what it can tell them about human variation. However, the sources of the data and the various collection methods are sometimes incompatible, and the sheer volume of data available can be overwhelming. Consequently, a new science called bioinformatics has been developed to deal with these questions. This paper assesses the need for an anthropological approach to the study of..."
| |
|
Field Projects in Anthropology, 2003.
An illustration of the benefits of field work in the anthropology field through field projects, as seen from the view of Crane and Angrosino's,"Field Project in Anthropology: Third Edition."
1,612 words (approx. 6.4 pages), 1 source, APA, £ 36.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper is a thorough analysis of the benefits of field work to the anthropology field, especially to a student or ethnographer. It uses fourteen different field projects as guides for an aspiring anthropologist to use when beginning fieldwork. This paper demonstrates the importance of fieldwork to the anthropology field as a whole, as well as to the individual. All of Crane and Angrosino's projects are summarized, and their meaning is clearly outlined. Topics covered include how to approach, research, begin, continue, and conclude fieldwork in any culture. It provides a concise base from which to base ethnographic studies.
From the Paper
"Julia Crane and Michael Angrosino?s Field Projects in Anthropology (Third Edition) seeks to illustrate the benefits of fieldwork to the anthropology field. Fieldwork is unequivocally necessary for a student to gain anthropological perspective (Crane 1992: v). There are numerous ways that a student can approach fieldwork, and Field Projects shines light on several aspects of anthropological fieldwork through fourteen different projects. These projects characterize some of the more useful data-collection techniques and show students an array of ways to approach anthropological fieldwork (1992: vi)."
| |
|
Cultural Anthropology, 2002.
Examines some of the common constants in cultural anthropology and how they apply to the field of cultural anthropology.
650 words (approx. 2.6 pages), 2 sources, £ 18.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
There are distinct relationships between culture, maintenance systems, child rearing and ecology that, when observed from a detached view, provide a wealth of information about all of the communities (and all of their permutations) throughout the world. It is the assertion of this paper that these characteristics of a people, regardless of size or any other factor, are common throughout all peoples and is thus used as primary markers by anthropologists upon which to base their work. Therefore, this paper will demonstrate such relationships and how they apply to the field of cultural anthropology.
| |
|
Interpretive vs. Post Processual Anthropology, 2001.
An anthropology paper discussing the differences between processual and post processual anthropology..
1,397 words (approx. 5.6 pages), 3 sources, MLA, £ 32.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper examines how many people believe processual and interpretive archaeology to be completely different schools of thought. By looking at the seven main concepts of processual archaeology and the eight main concepts of interpretive archaeology, the writer demonstrates how they go hand in hand as well as complement each other. The example used is the origin of agriculture.
From the Paper
"Though processual archaeology and interpretive archaeology appear to take different approaches to the study of the human past, they share a common end goal: to understand how societies came into being, how they developed and how they worked, all using data from the archaeological record. The two circles of thought each claim their distinctiveness from the other, but if we compare and contrast their main points, we will see how these two methods relate very closely. In other words, their main differences may just be in terms of scale of analysis. By examining the articles on the origins of agriculture (Redding; Richerson, Boyd, and Bettinger; Hayden; and Hodder) and the approaches of the authors in terms of processual vs. interpretive archaeology, we will see the strengths and weaknesses of each. Ultimately, this analysis will provide insight on how a combination of both fields may prove a more effective method for the study of the human past."
| |
|
Feminism and Anthropology, 2003.
A reflection on on the contributions of the feminist perspective to anthropology.
3,140 words (approx. 12.6 pages), 12 sources, MLA, £ 64.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper examines how feminist anthropology emerged in the latter half of the twentieth century and attempted to combat the representation (or lack of it) of women in anthropological writing. It looks at how in doing so, it moved through several stages, from trying to redress the imbalance in ethnographic knowledge, through a critique of the theoretical praxis of anthropology to the uncertain place that it has at present. It examines the background to the feminist movement in anthropology and attempts to see it in historical perspective. It then analyses each of the stages of feminist anthropology and assesses their contribution to the broader subject.
From the Paper
"Feminist anthropology has allowed two great ethnocentric divides to be broken down. The first is that between nature/culture. Running through all the work of feminist anthropology is the rejection of the place women have been assigned as somehow preordained or organic. Fatima Mernissi shows that the passive role of the women in some Muslim societies, who is seen as potentially more sexually aggressive than the male, is a cultural construct: ?what is feared in Muslim marriage is the growth of the involvement between a man and a woman into the all-encompassing love, satisfying the sexual, emotional and intellectual needs of both partners.? Such as involvement would be seen as a direct threat to man's relationship with Allah."
| |
|
Political and Economic Anthropology, 2008.
This paper reflects on two chapters in Robert Lavenda and Emily Schultz's "Core Concepts in Cultural Anthropology".
1,065 words (approx. 4.3 pages), 1 source, APA, £ 26.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper explains that Lavina and Schultz in "Core Concepts in Cultural Anthropology" see political anthropology as the study of power, political ideology, political economy, political organization, social stratification, social control and law, status and role and much later ideas of nationalism and hegemony. The author points out that, in 'economic anthropology', all societies are reported to show a form of material life that can be explained in terms of production, exchange or related material culture, which dictates the types of laws and political practices in that society. The paper states that the study of emergencies, crises or wars tells a good deal about matters of nationalism, hegemony and leadership as reactions of weakness to situations that are unpredictable, such as the strong instinct for 'communitas' that was seen when the United States experienced 9/11.
From the Paper
"Some anthropologists like to study how societies cope with unnatural situations or crises. For instance, if a society has known famine and starvation, or is in a climate that means food can be grown or found only for part of the year, there will be effort to save food for hard times. If the food supply is year-round and easily found, there will be less of this planning ahead. What is very valuable will be guarded by law that can mean tradable goods of high value or perhaps special religious items that no ordinary person is to touch."
| |
|
Role of Race in Forensic Anthropology, 2005.
An examination of the importance of race in the study known as forensic anthropology.
4,320 words (approx. 17.3 pages), 6 sources, MLA, £ 80.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper looks at arguments for and against the use of race as a defining factor in forensic anthropology. It explains that some schools of thought argue that race should not be a factor, but scientists should rather view a skeleton as an independent human being. It discusses how others explain that determining a person's race from the remains often assists in solving a crime or mystery. Specific biology data and graphs are included in this paper to help understand these concepts.
From the Paper
"All agree that all human beings belong to the same biological species, Homo sapiens, which means that all are capable of reproducing without barriers. In reality, however, people are restricted to those known to them when looking for a reproductive partner. As a result of this, in some areas, people of like characteristics tend to cluster together. Over time, then, geographic areas can vary even when the people who live in those areas all appear to be of the same ancestry. However, the issue of race also has important cultural and moral issues. In the past, human variation divided into ?races? was viewed as a given, which each race distinct from other ones (Shreeve, 1994). While anthropologists as a group did not support the use of these differences as a way to sort people into some who were better than others, the view assisted those who wanted to assert such claims, insist that the races should be kept separate, and commit any number of social abominations in the name of race, and especially, racial purity."
| |
|
Medical Anthropology, 2006.
This paper examines the issues of health and disease and looks at medical anthropology.
1,800 words (approx. 7.2 pages), 0 sources, £ 50.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper discusses the different aspects of medical anthropology. The underlying theories of medical anthropology are discussed as well as the concept of health and disease, taking into consideration different culture-based paradigms depicting each one. Disease profiles of the different civilizations, from foraging nomads to empires are compared and contrasted.
From the Paper
"Though giving birth occurs naturally in women, the experience itself varies among women due to the great influence of cultural beliefs and the resources available within different societies. Depending on how a society values or perceives childbirth as a medical event, the process will differ according to who conducts it (e.g. physician versus community midwife), how it is conducted (e.g. through a cesarean operation or spontaneous, natural birth) and where it occurs (e.g. whether it is in a modern and well-equipped obstetric facility or at home)."
| |
|
Anthropology in Today?s World, 2002.
A study of the application of anthropology today.
930 words (approx. 3.7 pages), 3 sources, MLA, £ 23.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper describes the relevance of anthropology in today?s world. The paper demonstrates that their discoveries and theories bear heavily on our understanding of our past and future, as illustrated by the recent discovery of Neanderthal violence also sheds light on man?s capacity for love and caring. The paper states that anthropology is defined as ?the science of the physical, cultural and social development of man, his evolution, behavior and geographic distribution from prehistoric times to the present.?
From the Paper
"Anthropology is sometimes viewed as a bit arcane as well, but even a quick glance at some of the aspects of anthropologists? work indicates immediately that anthropology is more relevant today than ever. Indeed, anthropologists are one of the only groups of intellectuals who are able to draw together the hard sciences and social sciences and develop cohesive and encompassing theories of history, sociology and understanding."
| |
|
Biomedicine and Medical Anthropology, 2004.
An overview of the history and ideology behind medical anthropology.
2,938 words (approx. 11.8 pages), 17 sources, MLA, £ 61.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper begins by analysing the creation of medicine as a bounded system. A bounded system is one circumscribed from the rest of the world, where cultural elements of patient?s symptoms are treated only as indicators of biological and empirical fact. It looks at how medical anthropology, by revealing the cultural framework and social networks that mediate and relate to medical discourse, removes medicine from its position as a bounded system. It attempts to emphasise how this task is inter-dependent with that of understanding medicine as several kinds of enterprise. It also examines the multiplicity of other forms of medical knowledge in the world.
From the Paper
"There is a great deal of difficulty in understanding medicine in the way one would understand other anthropological phenomenon. As Good (1994:2) notes ?disease is paradigmatically biological; it is what we mean by Nature and its impingement on our lives.? Yet, disease is also culturally constituted, as ethnographic examples later will demonstrate. A further difficulty is that by emphasising the social and cultural aspects of biomedicine, there is a risk of caricature; people will assume by revealing biomedicines construction as a category we mean to deny biomedicine?s great uses. Indeed, the seemingly all-powerful status of biomedicine, its rapid spread and advancement, constitutes one of the greatest boundaries to appreciating its cultural construction."
| |
|
Anthropology in the Organization, 2006.
Examines and assesses coursework for an organizational anthropology class.
3,825 words (approx. 15.3 pages), 25 sources, £ 107.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper examines a body of coursework for a class in organizational anthropology. Twenty-five sources are included. Of these, each is examined briefly and a justification provided for its usefulness to the course. The paper also weighs in on the subject areas discussed, the tension between theory and practice, as well as the difference in definitions of the word culture.
From the Paper
"Abram, 2001: I would not retain this article for future incarnations of this course. Though intriguing, the study itself was too pointed in my analysis. Demonstrating the tension between the "politics of policy-making and the technical competencies of 'experts', such as professional planners" did not provide much useful broad applicability (Abram, 2001: 184). This is a good example of organizational ethnography, but not necessarily a useful one. Aguilera, 1996: This article would be retained. It provides readers with an excellent sense of how anthropology can be employed to highlight processes within the business world and assess potential zones of improvement. Aguilera (1996) shows how anthropology can transcend theory and move into business intervention."
| |
|
Modern Anthropology and Japan, 2002.
This paper discusses the modern concept of the field of anthropology and then analyzes the works: Timon Screech?s ?Sex and the Floating World: Erotic Images in Japan, 1700-1820" and Ruth Benedict?s "The Chrysanthemum and the Sword?.
1,835 words (approx. 7.3 pages), 5 sources, APA, £ 41.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper states that the first generations of ethnographic considered their subjects to be exotic and very different from themselves; whereas, modern anthropologist now approach their subjects as people who are not exactly like themselves and are no longer thought to have inferior cultures. The author continues that this change in anthropology has produced entirely new ways of writing ethnographies. The author applies this approach to the analysis of Timon Screech?s 1999 ?Sex and the Floating World: Erotic Images in Japan, 1700-1820?, which investigates the nexus of gender, sexuality and ambition in ways that are attentive to the intra-cultural variations amongst people and to the famous telling ethnographic story of ambition in Japan in Ruth Benedict?s national character study ?The Chrysanthemum and the Sword?, 1989.
From the Paper
"Another striking difference between Benedict?s work and the Screech?s is that Benedict?s own gender is invisible in the work: We do not have any sense that this is the perspective of a woman writing about a patriarchal society. This is certainly not true in the modern ethnography, which begins with recognition of the high degree of intracultural variation that exists when one takes as one?s cultural reference group an entire nation-state. This attentiveness to individual variation was not yet current during the creation of the kind of ethnography of first-world nations known as national character studies that were popular in the 1930s and 1940s and reflects much of the sensitivity of defining group status that Anderson emphasizes."
| |
|
Forensic Anthropology, 2002.
An overview of forensic anthropology,
1,150 words (approx. 4.6 pages), 6 sources, £ 31.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper is an outline of an essay on forensic anthropology. It covers the application, practice, and training involved in this science.
|
|
|
