| Papers [1-14] of 100 :: [Page 1 of 8] | | Go to page : 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 —> | Search results on "CANADIAN SENATE REFORM PROPOSALS": |
|
|
Canadian Senate Reform Proposals, 2004.
An evaluation of some of the major proposals for Senate reform in Canada.
3,198 words (approx. 12.8 pages), 10 sources, MLA, £ 63.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
The paper discusses the various major proposals for the reform of Canada's unelected upper house and whether or not they are feasible with the confines of Canada's political culture and constitutional framework. Discussed are various "Triple-E" proposals, such as the Alberter Committee, the Molgat-Cosgrove Report, the Macdonald Commission and others.
From the Paper
"The Molgat-Cosgrove Report, the Macdonald Commission, and the Beaudoin-Dobbie Report all oppose equality of provincial representation in the Senate (Stillborn, Senate Reform Proposals, 18-19). They argue that an equal number of seats for every province would cause gross disparities, over representing the smaller provinces and in turn, under representing the more populace ones. They all suggest that equality adjusted by population should be the principle on which to base seat distribution. Though the Beaudion-Dobbie Report contin-ues to say that ?distribution should seek to balance requirements of this principle against the need for enhanced representation for people living in the smaller provinces.? "
| |
|
Current Senate Reform Proposals, 2008.
A discussion of Canadian Senate reform proposals of the current federal conservative government.
1,350 words (approx. 5.4 pages), 6 sources, MLA, £ 31.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper looks at the debate swirling around whether or not the Canadian Senate should be reformed. In particular, the paper notes how the current arrangement appears to exacerbate regional tensions while simultaneously undermining the legitimacy of the democratic, representative process. After discussing the arguments opposing some kinds of Senate reform, the paper discusses the Harper government's proposals and their relative strengths and weaknesses. In the end, the paper argues that the current ideas for changing the Senate have some merits, but they are compromised by the fact that proposed elections to the Senate are non-binding upon the government - and by the fact that a reluctance to "go to the people" might be seen as arrogant and elitist.
From the Paper
"The denunciations of the Canadian Senate do not end with the criticisms cited above. Particularly, opponents of the unelected Upper Chamber argue that the Senate really exacerbates the cleavages already tearing at the fabric of the Canadian union. For these scholars, western frustration and alienation is chiefly brought about by the collective sense that the territories west of Manitoba lack adequate representation in the decision-making processes of government (Lawson, 131). Without question, if the anger and frustration of the west continues to fester, there is the distinct possibility that western separatist movements and other difficulties could arise. As one final point, it surely cannot be overlooked that the Senate's unelected nature cuts deeply into any claims to legitimacy it may assert (Geddes, "All or Nothing," 32-33) and this too is undoubtedly another reason why western critics of the Senate find it so objectionable on those relatively rare occasions when it does do something substantive."
| |
|
Senate Reform in Canada, 2000.
A discussion on the failure of the Canadian Senate and the need to reform its structure.
1,896 words (approx. 7.6 pages), 8 sources, APA, £ 41.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper examines the current Canadian Senate and how it is a useless and outdated institution in dire need of reform. It demonstrates how the Senate as it currently exists, is a waste of money, serves only a symbolic role and goes against the principles of democracy. It evaluates how the Senate, if reformed, could alleviate the political tensions that exist between the federal government and their provincial counterparts, through provincial equality within the Upper House. It also looks at the increased legitimacy the Upper House would enjoy, if the Senate undertook a more active role in the Canadian legislative process and abandoned the appointment system.
From the Paper
"Ontario and Quebec combine to account for 62% of the Canadian population4. Both Western and Atlantic Canada feel that the House of Commons is the place where representation by population should be exercised, not in the Upper House, "The Senate should serve as a stronger voice, in federal decision making, for the less populated provinces"5. The Central Canadian rule in the House of Commons is properly justified. Ontario and Quebec control 174 out of the 295 seats in the Canadian legislature, which happens to be only 59% of the seats6. Despite the fact that the House of Commons occupation by Central Canada is proportionately less than their occupation of the Canadian population, although insignificantly, the bordering regions of Canada do not feel that they are properly represented in Ottawa."
|
| Essay # 103225 |
temporarily unavailable
|
|
|
|
The Canadian Senate in the Democratic Age, 2000.
This paper explores potential for the Canadian Senate to serve a more prominent role in the national political system.
1,930 words (approx. 7.7 pages), 5 sources, MLA, £ 42.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper refers to concepts of proportional representation, regional representation and asymmetrical federalism in reference to the status of Quebec in Canada. It calls for a reformed and strengthened Canadian Senate to promote provincial interests within the federal system.
From the Paper
"Still, in the current Canadian political context, the Senate does serve some functions. However, the potential exists to expand its role and structure to serve a more active role in the Canadian political system. Specifically, the Senate ought to be reformed and strengthened to promote provincial interests within the federal system. Existing models and concepts of Senate reform will be critically evaluated before a model is presented which will attempt to rectify existing problems, as well as to avoid potential failings which critics of Senate reform often predict."
| |
|
Canadian Legislative Reform, 2006.
A review of the legislative reform that has occurred in Canada since the National Transportation Act of 1967.
2,250 words (approx. 9.0 pages), 0 sources, £ 61.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper discusses how the Canadian National Transportation Act of 1967 was seen by some as revolutionary. Certainly, it initiated a period of substantial legislative reform, and in the long term - substantial deregulation of the transport sector. This paper examines the legislative reform that has taken place in Canada since the passing of the National Transportation Act of 1967. The paper also pays attention to the Freedom to Move Plan, the 1987 National Transportation Act, the 1987 Motor Vehicle Transport Act, the 1993 National Transportation Act Review Commission, the 1994 paper entitled "New Directions for Transportation," the 1996 Canada Transportation Act, and the Review Panel of 2000.
| |
|
The Reformation and Counter-Reformation Periods, 2005.
A brief over-view of a religiously-divided Europe during the Reformation and Counter-Reformation periods.
900 words (approx. 3.6 pages), 0 sources, £ 24.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
The following paper is a brief review of the religious schism that wracked Europe, principally France and Germany, during the Reformation and Counter-Reformation periods. The paper examines how the various leaders involved responded, and what the long-term consequences of their decisions were for their respective lands. The paper also notes how the period actually strengthened the French while weakening the Holy Roman Empire.
From the Paper
"The history of modern Europe has seen its share of troubling religious divides and more than its share of religious violence. That being said, the French monarchy was initially repressive towards religious dissent but gradually assumed a more progressive approach as the sixteenth century drew to a close. In the early decades of the Sixteenth century, however, Francis I was notorious in his brutal crack-down of the emerging sixteenth century Protestantism; this persecution was ably pursued by his successor, Henri II who also took it upon himself to contest a variety of territorial holdings with the Holy Roman Empire, England and Spain. As the second half of the sixteenth century proceeded, French efforts to thwart the Protestant upheaval grew in conviction."
| |
|
The Senate, 2004.
A synopsis of Senate functions in the United States.
788 words (approx. 3.2 pages), 5 sources, MLA, £ 19.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper examines the origins of the United States Senate. The paper discusses the Senate's responsibilities and functions. The paper explains that many consider the Senate to be the grounding force in Congress, less prone to the whimsies or fancies of the public and holding greater responsibility and pressure because of the large number of people represented in the Senate. The paper claims that the Senate and the House work together to assure that the best interests of the people are addressed in the U.S. to as great an extent as possible.
From the Paper
"The Senate originated from the United States constitution in the late 1700s. James Madison stated that the Senate derives its powers from the States whereas the House of Representatives from the people of the nation (Senate.gov, 2004). Despite this both groups in Congress legislate laws and other matters with the best interests of the people of the United States in mind. The goal of Congress is to provide balance as well as legislative representation for the people of the United States. The number of seats allocated to each state is fixed whereas the House states are allocated according to population. Thus no matter the population size each state may have two Senators."
| |
|
The Senate and the House of Representatives, 2005.
An analysis of the power in the House of Representatives and The Senate.
675 words (approx. 2.7 pages), 3 sources, £ 18.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper claims that because of the constitutional structure of the legislative branch of the federal government, United States senators are generally considered to exercise more power and have more prestige than members of the House of Representatives. It explains that essentially, senators have more power and prestige because the constitution grants them six-year terms in office and limits representatives to brief, two-year terms. Furthermore, the smaller size of the Senate compared to the House of Representatives confers more power, influence and prestige upon senators, for there are only one hundred of them compared to more than four hundred representatives.
From the Paper
"Because of the Constitutional structure of the legislative branch of the federal government, United States senators are generally considered to exercise more power and have more prestige than members of the House of Representatives. Essentially, senators have more power and prestige because the Constitution grants them six-year terms in office and limits representatives to brief, two-year terms. Furthermore, the smaller size of the Senate compared to the House of Representatives confers more power, influence, and prestige upon senators, for there are only one-hundred of them compared to more than four-hundred representatives. (Manin 48) In addition to these factors, House and Senate legislative rules, committee procedures, and control of legislation are different."
| |
|
South Dakota Senate Race 2004, 2004.
A discussion of the South Dakota Senate race in 2004 with a focus on two of the major candidates, Tom Daschle and John Thune.
2,915 words (approx. 11.7 pages), 4 sources, MLA, £ 59.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper discusses South Dakota and its elections of 2004. The paper analyzes the South Dakota Senate race of 2004 by discussing the voting history and important political demographics of the state. Candidate characteristics, strengths, and weaknesses for each of the major candidates are presented. The paper evaluates emerging issues in the state that will likely determine the outcome of the election. The paper proposes a winning scenario for each of the major candidates.
From the Paper
"South Dakota is mostly famous for the scenic wonders of the Badlands and important political demographic of the state identifies the fact that there are 17,23 people and 7210 households. The statistics regarding the population of South Dakota states that women members in the country as compared to the male members with in the country, the voting history regarding the elections of 2004 states that the voters are requested to give their opinions through their votes. There are several methodologies, which are followed by the administration that are responsible for collection and counting of votes. Paper ballot and punch card are the two main strategies through which votes are collected and recorded."
| |
|
The 1998 U.S. Senate Race, 2002.
A look at the 1998 Senate race between Alfonse D?Amato and Charles Schumer, with an emphasis on their stand on crime.
1,526 words (approx. 6.1 pages), 8 sources, MLA, £ 34.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper examines the 1998 Senate race between the Republican, Alfonse D?Amato and the Democrat Charles Schumer. In particular it discusses how D?Amato and Schumer both employed similar strategies in their political campaigns: selling their credentials on being tough on crime and undercutting their opponents for their "weakness". While D?Amato proposed the use of tougher penalties to reduce crime, Schumer provided a comprehensive approach that encompasses preventive and deterrent approaches. It also evaluates how because of his unpopular anti-gun control stance, D?Amato relied heavily on his ammunition for counterattacking Schumer on his votes against stricter mandatory sentencing and how apart from attacking his opponent, Schumer was able to use his formidable track record of writing crime bills and relatives of shooting victims in news conferences to project himself as a representative of the people.
From the Paper
"In contrast, Schumer had a broader perspective about the issue of crime and had proposed an integrated set of solutions for resolving the problem. He was the creator of the 1994 crime bill that included a wide range of policies: 1) mandated life sentences with parole for three-time criminals; 2) increased the number of crimes punishable by capital punishment; 3) provided funding for police officers, prisons, along with drug treatment and youth programs; 4) classified stalking and domestic abuse as Federal crimes; 5) banned specific assault weapons; and 6) made the import of child pornography illegal (Dao, "Schumer and D?Amato," 1998, p. B5). Therefore, Schumer had always adopted a comprehensive approach towards crime control. "
| |
|
Senate Race in New Jersey, 2002.
An overview of the legal issues involved in the 2002 New Jersey Senate elections.
1,288 words (approx. 5.2 pages), 5 sources, MLA, £ 29.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper discusses the involvement of the U.S. Supreme Court in the Senate elections in New Jersey. The legal concerns of the Republican party were brought to the U.S. Supreme Court following the ruling of the New Jersey Supreme Court, allowing a deviance from the legislature. The paper examines the New Jersey State laws, which clearly define the timing and conditions for the withdrawal of a candidate and replacement of that candidate on the ballot.
From the Paper
"The Republicans still had some hope that the United States Supreme Court would overrule the New Jersey Supreme Court. The US Supreme Court had involved itself in the Florida voting problems in the 2000 Presidential Election. However that was a Federal election and involved the executive branch. The New Jersey situation affected state law, not federal law so the US courts would not get involved. The state courts would have had to misinterpret the state responsibilities written into the US Constitution."
| |
|
Campaign for U.S. Senate: Race to the Top, 2004.
Paper about an imaginary campaign for the U.S. Senate.
1,128 words (approx. 4.5 pages), 2 sources, MLA, £ 27.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper pretends the author is running for the U.S. Senate and outlines the concerns and hurdles that will have to be faced in getting elected.
From the Paper
"I have decided to run for the United States senate in order to advance a policy of finding and using alternative energy sources to reduce and eventually eliminate our reliance on oil. I am running on the Green Party ticket, which presents some difficulties in an of itself. However, I have a strong campaign staff behind me, a positive and popular public message, and some amazing and dedicated volunteers to help me. I know that I can do this."
| |
|
Senate Committee on Appropriations, 2003.
A study of the role and responsibility of the U.S. Senate Committee on Appropriations.
690 words (approx. 2.8 pages), 6 sources, APA, £ 16.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper studies the U.S. Senate Committee on Appropriations. The paper describes the Committee's function to oversee expenditures and examines the degree to which the Committee wield real power over the national budget's purse strings. The paper focuses on the 105th Congress, detailing membership, leadership and issues faced by the Committee.
From the Paper
"Because of its large amount of work, the U.S. Senate divides its functions among committees. Each committee has its own guidelines and adopts its own rules. The chair of each committee and a majority of its members control the work of the committee and hire its..."
|
|
|
