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Urban Homelessness in Canada, 2008.
This paper discusses the problem of homelessness in urban areas of Canada.
1,572 words (approx. 6.3 pages), 7 sources, APA, £ 28.95
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Abstract
In this article, the writer briefly reviews the homelessness crisis afflicting many urban centers in Canada. Specifically, the paper looks at the causes of the problem, the attitudes of politicians and what they have done to combat the scourge. In addition, the writer discusses what can be done to rescue the situation. The writer maintains that social housing and rent supplements will save lives and will also allow Canadian cities to save money by sparing them the burden of having to care for ill and at-risk individuals who lack a roof over their heads.
From the Paper
"When one takes the time to probe into the matter, it is fairly clear - and lamentably so - that politicians have done a poor job of creating an official mandate for bureaucrats that makes them accountable, responsive and congenial to the needs of the most vulnerable members of Canadian society. For instance, homeless women contacted by the Toronto Star in a survey conducted within the last year report that government welfare offices who should be offering assistance to the homeless often view them with borderline disdain. Not to be overlooked, women in Toronto who have used that city's shelters in the past detail the troubling absence of security for women leaving the shelters after using their services. Indeed, a woman named Kathy Kunsman reports that sexual predators would literally line up in close proximity to the shelters so that they could accost women as they left."
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A Critical Examination of the Food Stamp Program, 2008.
A discussion of the food stamp program and an analysis of cash versus in-kind transfers.
2,185 words (approx. 8.7 pages), 5 sources, APA, £ 37.95
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Abstract
This paper takes a look at the food stamp program, one of the largest welfare programs in many developed (and increasingly developing countries). The paper points out that it is a rather expansive program, which has many proposed economic benefits for the society. Using the tools of consumer theory, the food stamp program is examined in relation to a cash incentive program. The paper then examines whether cash transfers, as opposed to food stamps, lead to consumers being on a higher or similar utility curve or preference set . The paper relates that this analysis is not only applicable to the food stamp program in the United States but can be applied to the plethora of real world programs adopting in-kind transfers. In conclusion, the paper maintains that cash transfers can provide an outcome that is clearly superior to in-kind transfers.
Outline:
Introduction
Modeling the Superiority of Cash Payments to In-Kind Transfers
Consumer Theory
Why are Governments Engaging In a Less Efficient Outcome: Should the Government Be Issuing Cash?
Understanding the Dominance of In-Kind Transfers: A Case Study of Fiscal Year 2008 United States Federal Budget
Appendix (includes graphs)
From the Paper
"Transfers like the food stamp shift the budget set upward, however, the food stamps place a kink in the budget set, since there is a threshold over which consumers cannot go. This is because food stamps can only buy certain classes of goods, and all other goods will not necessarily increase. On the other hand, cash transfers, will lead to a complete shift of the budget set, rather than, a kinked upward shift; so the budget constraint goes beyond I/PA in Figure 1. Clearly, with cash transfers, the consumer will always be on an indifferent curve that is higher or the same level as the in-kind transfers which is food stamps in this example; which implies that cash transfers are preferred to in-kind transfer when compared to the food stamp program."
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Mill, de Toqueville and Schmitt: Problems of Democracy, 2008.
A comparison of John Stuart Mill's "On Liberty", Alexis de Tocqueville's "Democracy in America", and Carl Schmitt's "The Crisis of Parliamentary Democracy".
1,000 words (approx. 4.0 pages), 3 sources, MLA, £ 19.95
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Abstract
This paper discusses the problems of democracy as cited in three major works on the subject: John Stuart Mill's "On Liberty", Alexis de Tocqueville's "Democracy in America", and Carl Schmitt's "The Crisis of Parliamentary Democracy". The paper elaborates upon the views of Mill and de Tocqueville, who both believed that the tyranny of the majority was particularly worrisome in democracies, compared to other political systems. The paper also outlines the major features of Carl Schmitt's critiques of parliamentary democracy, in which he contrasts between how parliamentary government is designed to function and how it actually functions. The paper further discusses Schmitt's argument that democratic institutions function through corrupt political deal-making and that rational political debate and election results have little impact on government decision-making. The paper concludes that Mill and de Tocqueville realized that the solutions for these problems actually lay within the democratic system.
From the Paper
"Schmitt was also critical of parliamentary systems because he believed that the nature of democracy itself is based upon meaningless abstractions such as equality and liberty. To him, these high-sounding concepts were little more than a sham, for most people care very little about equal rights and liberty and most political leaders care even less. Leaders deliver grand speeches in parliaments and legislatures about democracy, but behind the scenes, they act in their own self-interest. And in society, the average citizen is just as hypocritical, for they resent any action by the government or other citizens that is detrimental to their self-interest, while paying lip service to democracy and equal rights for all."
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Stephen Douglas and Popular Sovereignty, 2008.
A discussion of 1850s politician, Stephen Douglas, and the doctrine of popular sovereignty.
940 words (approx. 3.8 pages), 4 sources, MLA, £ 18.95
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Abstract
This paper examines the political history and views of Stephen Douglas, among the leading politicians in the nation in the 1850s. The paper points out that, aspiring to the presidency, Douglas had to confront the question of the legality of slavery in the territories. Responding to this issue, Douglas advocated popular sovereignty, letting the voters in each territory decide the question. The paper states that, while the concept seemed simple, the doctrine collapsed in the face of myriad complications, and as it collapsed, Douglas and his presidential hopes faded. The paper concludes that popular sovereignty was theoretically a sound means of allowing territorial populations to organize themselves as either slave or free, but it failed as a political idea because it could not satisfy the demands of the various factions in the dire years leading to the Civil War.
From the Paper
"The second blow to Douglas came with the submission of the first state constitution ostensibly reflecting popular sovereignty. A constitutional convention at Lecompton, Kansas, wrote a constitution that was put before Kansas voters. The voters were given an alternative: to vote for a constitution which permitted current residents of Kansas to keep slaves they had brought into the territory, or to vote for a provision which opened the state to unlimited importation to slaves. Voters could not for a state constitution which prohibited slavery. Anti-slavery voters boycotted this referendum, so that the constitution sent to Washington allowed the free importation of slaves into Kansas."
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Political Parties in Canada, 2008.
An analysis of the political system of Canada and its political parties.
1,275 words (approx. 5.1 pages), 3 sources, MLA, £ 23.95
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Abstract
This paper discusses the political make-up in Canada, focusing on the political parties that make up the government. The paper examines the role within government of the non-Canadian un-elected monarch, who is currently the Queen of England. The paper looks at the ongoing discussion in Canada about ways to make the country more a democracy and to protect the democratic institutions that have been created.
From the Paper
"The system for both domestic and foreign policy issues tends to be a pluralist democracy even as leaders promote the idea of a representative democracy. The system is unjust because it ignores or devalues millions of people, perhaps the majority of the citizenry, while responding to the loudest groups either in terms of those spending more money or those making their views heard most clearly. At the same time, it is difficult to see how it could be otherwise at the federal level, the sheer size of which reduces the link between elected representatives and the people they serve. Leaders will always respond more readily to the constituents they hear than to those who do not make their views known, and this necessarily means public interest groups and elites that make their views known will have more power."
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The Heavily Indebted Poor Countries Initiative, 2008.
A review of how well the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries initiative (HIPC) is working in the developing world.
2,061 words (approx. 8.2 pages), 8 sources, MLA, £ 36.95
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Abstract
This paper reviews the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries initiative (HIPC) and discusses whether or not the program is really working or, like so many other initiatives, is letting the developing world down. The paper concludes that, while far from perfect, the HIPC has worked exceptionally well in some nations and has given those countries at least a partial lease on their own futures.
From the Paper
"Lastly, a few brief passages need to be devoted to a review of how HIPC, far from debilitating the nation of Senegal, may actually have saved it from further government sloth and irresponsibility. For example, the IMF announced in early 2005 that Senegal was finally employing macro-economic policies that offered better prospects for the future. To wit, the regional central bank's monetary polices were finally achieving price stability and "prudent" fiscal programs put in place by the government were belatedly resulting in greater efficiency (courtesy privatization) and in appreciable GDP growth. Before drawing this section of the paper to a close, it must also be pointed out that HIPC - and particularly the closely-watching eye of international organizations such as the IMF - seem to have encouraged a new age in political stability within Senegal, the sort of political stability that has sparked foreign investors to take a renewed interest in that land (Ford, 52-53). Much-maligned though it is, HIPC is certainly a means by which wayward states can be compelled to introduce much-needed reforms that better the lives of their citizens."
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| Essay # 103010 |
temporarily unavailable
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The Canadian State as a Racist Political Culture, 2008.
This paper discusses the development of the Canadian state as a racist political culture.
1,318 words (approx. 5.3 pages), 4 sources, MLA, £ 24.95
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Abstract
In this article, the writer discusses that in Canada in the early 21st century there is the widespread belief that racism is largely a concern of other countries given such state policies as multiculturalism. This being said, this essay argues, through the critical examination of scholarly texts on the subject, that, in fact, the development of Canada as a racist political culture defines the fundamental institutions of the Canadian state to the present day. The writer maintains that when Canada is considered in terms of its historical development, in terms of its policy making - as in the case of multiculturalism - or in terms of its political culture manifested in the mass media and the economy, there exists overwhelmingly evidence in support of the contention that Canada is a fundamentally racist political culture.
From the Paper
"Consider, for example, the unrest that has often erupted in Canada between Aboriginals and the government/land developers who are seeking to build on sacred Aboriginal lands. Even if we set aside the issue that all of the North American continent itself originally belonged to the ancestors of these Aboriginals, the fact that it has been so difficult for these First Nations to enforce their treaty rights through the courts that they must resort to peaceful civil disobedience is evidence of the radical inequality in the Canadian social, political and economic systems. Indeed, as the conflicts years ago at Akwasasne and Oka, dissent and civil disruption appear to be the only way that marginalized populations can make their case in the public arena given that they are effectively dispossessed."
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Rent Control Economics: Supply and Demand, 2008.
An analysis of the pros and cons of rental control policies and how they affect the supply and demand of rental properties.
2,950 words (approx. 11.8 pages), 8 sources, MLA, £ 48.95
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Abstract
This paper discusses the economics behind rent control enforcement. It discusses the advantages and disadvantages of rent control and the effect that this has on the rental market. It describes basic supply and demand issues as they relate to rental prices and availability. The paper concludes that exercising rent control policies more often than not results in an actual shortage of housing due to the innate removal of the economic stimulus for private developers to build new rental properties.
From the Paper
"Exercising rent control policies more often than not results in an actual shortage of housing due to the innate removal of the economic stimulus for private developers to build new rental properties. Additionally, rental units not controlled by rental control laws are forced to compensate for the lost revenue of controlled units by having their rent levels unduly increased. Other research indicates that some of the sacred cows of rental control proponents, such as improved integration in the community and elevated living standards for the low-income and the elderly, simply do not occur (Freeman & Braconi). Housing markets, just as any other market, should be left to the forces of the free market itself to find and locate its own equilibrium relative to supply and demand. If the market demands additional housing and the economic profile of the community supports its construction, additional housing will be built. If the economic profile of the community does not support it and there is not a local demand, supply will not increase."
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Immigration and Canadian Economics, 2008.
This paper looks at the issue of immigration in Canada as it relates to the economy.
1,717 words (approx. 6.9 pages), 8 sources, APA, £ 30.95
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Abstract
In this article, the writer discusses that with the large increase of immigrants arriving in the last part of the twentieth century and the beginning of the twenty-first, Canada has seen some economic benefits, but these benefits are far outweighed by the burden of increased immigration. The writer points out that the government, in an attempt to bolster the Canadian economy, has sought to increase immigration, and thus increase their country's economic status. The writer maintains that immigration is beneficial in many ways, for it does offer a fix for some ails, and it also creates a larger workforce. However, the writer concludes that immigration alone cannot answer or strengthen Canada's economy other than in a superficial and short term way.
From the Paper
"This large immigration rate is not a result of chance or of Canada suddenly becoming the new land of opportunity as the United States did in the late 1800's and the early 1900's. It is not because there is a new Lady Liberty placed in Toronto or Vancouver calling for the worlds poor huddled masses. Rather this increase in immigration is due to an intentional government policy change. The government, in an attempt to bolster the Canadian economy, has sought to increase immigration, and thus increase their country's economic status. Canada has long suffered from a shortage of labor and an economy that at times was strong and suffered greatly at others. One way that they addressed the issue was to create programs that would allow the current population to meet the labor shortage. Initially, that seemed to work, but it could not truly answer the labor shortage for several years."
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Urban Sociology, 2008.
This paper discusses the term and the concept of urban and looks at how the urban setting directly impacts the social relations that are conducted within it.
1,207 words (approx. 4.8 pages), 3 sources, MLA, £ 22.95
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Abstract
In this article the writer looks at the meaning of the term urban and discusses the extent that the urban setting shapes the social life which occurs within it. The writer notes that these issues are closely interrelated. This paper argues, the term "urban" must be understood as a sociological concept whose characteristics fundamentally define the social relations that occur within the urban space. The writer concludes that models of human social behaviour, such as civility, are developed in urban settings as a means of coping with the stresses of population densities as well as a cultural production that is deeply intertwined with economic and emotional relationships of humans as groups and as individuals.
From the Paper
"The relationship between the urban setting and the social life that occurs within it is thus complex but clear. The population densities and uses of space that physically characterize urban settings lead to a range of impacts upon social relations that, in many cases as in the cultural realm, seem indirect and would likely not be predicted. To use a metaphor, within a physical setting human population densities increase until a "critical mass" is attained, at which point "urbanity" comes into existence with an explosion of social and cultural forms that are distinct to urban life.
"Consider, for example, the arguments of some urban sociologists that the urban setting has led to a radical revisioning of fundamental human social interactions."
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The Age of McCarthyism, 2008.
This paper analyzes the actual threat to American institutions and values posed by the Communist party during the age of McCarthyism.
2,810 words (approx. 11.2 pages), 4 sources, MLA, £ 46.95
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Abstract
This paper explains that the era of McCarthyism, from the late 1940s to the late 1950s, was characterized by an anti-Communist fervor that was closely associated with investigations engineered by Senator Joseph McCarthy. The author points out that one of the primary claims of anti-Communists, such as Senator McCarthy, was that Communist agents had infiltrated many important American institutions in the service of the interests of the Soviet Union. The paper relates that, while historians dismiss McCarthy's allegations as wildly exaggerated and politically self-serving, it is generally acknowledged that Soviet espionage in the United States was a reality. The author underscores that it is clear that the majority of party members at the end of the 1930s were not interested in the destruction of the United States as a fifth column for foreign interests but instead were interested in furthering social justice in the United States.
Table of Contents:
The Need for Critical Analysis
The Threat of American Communist Espionage
The American Communist Party
The Question of Proportionality
From the Paper
"This is an important document as it reveals a broader understanding of the Communist Party than the McCarthyism hysteria would suggest. Far from being a threat to "American institutions and values" it would appear, from Howard Johnson's words, that the Communist Party seemed to represented the ideal of American values. Note, in particular, how Johnson addresses the issue of subversion. As students of history, we must recognize that many Communist Party members joined as it offered an organized means of challenging aspects of American society - such as racial segregation - that were both legal and supported by powerful political interests, but nonetheless immoral and inhumane."
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Giving Voice to the Oppressed of Society, 2008.
An analysis of the impact of poor social justice within a society, both to the individual and to the society as a whole.
1,616 words (approx. 6.5 pages), 8 sources, APA, £ 28.95
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Abstract
This paper reviews five reasons why dispossessed and oppressed individuals should have a voice in society. Specifically, the paper looks at the social costs that attend failing to pay attention to the needs of these individuals and at the poor public policy that flows from ignoring the dispossessed. Finally, the paper explores the ethical and moral issues that come with overlooking the less-fortunate and considers the impact upon the reputation of a society if it fails to offer social justice in its own land while hectoring others abroad about their human rights record.
From the Paper
"At the level of the individual, the costs associated with not heeding the voices of the down-trodden can be very grim, indeed. For one thing, people who struggle with their sense of self and who lack a strong sense of self-empowerment are people who are much more susceptible to thoughts of suicide (Martin, 2006). At the same time, people who feel as though they cannot change their lives for the better - in no small measure because no one seems to care what they think - are people who are very much likely to fall prey to mental illness - such as depression (Laitinen et al, 2006). Thus, there are compelling reasons why, at the level of the individual, people need to be given a sense that they are not viewed as ciphers by others and that their needs will be accepted as genuine."
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NAFTA and Its Weaknesses, 2008.
A discussion of the weaknesses of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA).
1,685 words (approx. 6.7 pages), 8 sources, MLA, £ 30.95
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Abstract
This paper takes a look at the positive and negative effects the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) has had in Canada, the United States and Mexico. The paper asserts that NAFTA has taken on somewhat mythical proportions in the minds of its proponents and detractors alike. It holds that NAFTA has primarily struck a dissonant tone with the U.S. and Mexico, while Canada largely accepted its utility. To its detractors NAFTA offered a convenient scapegoat for all of the economic woes since its inception in January 1994, and to its proponents it has been responsible for most of the economic growth periods of the last 10 years. Yet, beyond all the hype, rhetoric, and ideology superficially imposed on it, NAFTA was a dynamic process that required monumental negotiation commitment on the part of the signatories and certainly on the part of Canada as the smallest market.
The paper concludes that, although NAFTA comes with its negative attributes, it has largely proven a boon to the Canadian economy and the country would be ill-advised to withdraw from the treaty.
Outline:
History & Description
NAFTA Weaknesses & Failure
Benefits & Cost Outcomes
Conclusion
From the Paper
"While NAFTA has been somewhat contentious since before its inception, the economic results of the agreement have proven largely inline with the positive projections associated with NAFTA by its designers and supporters. In fact, the increasing reliance on free-trade agreements which essentially become a 5th column in a country's foreign policy mechanism, NAFTA has become not just an economic success but a political template for further free-trade agreements across the globe. Some researchers have pointed out that NAFTA was ground-breaking both for its visionary approach to expanded trade relationships and for its unique integration into the signatory countries' sovereignty."
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