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The Union Movement in Poland, 2002.
This paper discusses the union movement in Poland which developed into a major social and political force under the heading Solidarnosc, or Solidarity, after 1980.
1,837 words (approx. 7.3 pages), 4 sources, MLA, £ 41.95
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Abstract
The paper traces the roots of the movement back to the election of Wladyslaw Gomulka to head the Polish United Workers Party (PUWP). According to the writer, this helped pave the way for the strengthening of the movement and prepared the workers for the changes to come. The paper outlines the political repercussions of this movement.
From the Paper
"Gomulka was born into a working-class family in 1905 and became a Communist leader of the trade union left, and he returned to the political scene after being released from prison in 1956. The reforms he promised never came to pass, though, for being a traditional Communist, he believed that a centrally controlled, one-party state would be the only way to insure Socialism, and decentralization of the industrial systems would hinder efforts to achieve this. Gomulka failed to deliver on his word to the workers and the intelligentsia, who wanted to liberalize the economic, cultural, and religious practices of Poland. According to the Polish student newspaper Po Prostu, the goal of the workers and the intelligentsia was "to bring about a radical transformation of the Stalinist model of Socialism to a Polish model, genuinely Socialist"(MacShane 33). Gomulka did not accept this ideal as expected, and it became apparel that such a radical goal could not be achieved in Gomulka's traditional one-party system."
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The Ottoman Empire and Current Balkan Conflicts, 2002.
Examines the relevance of the Ottoman Empire in the Balkans to contemporary current conflicts and tensions in that region.
6,050 words (approx. 24.2 pages), 22 sources, MLA, £ 102.95
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Abstract
This paper looks at the nature and long duration of Ottoman rule in the Balkans. The writer reviews the deep and long lasting effects on the nations which today make up the Balkan Peninsula. The first part examines how during the first several centuries of Ottoman rule, its legacy was conducive to the maintenance of order, prosperity and ethnic and religious toleration. The second part explores how certain facets of Ottoman policy and practice, also contributed to the stunting of the area's political, economic and intellectual growth.
From the Paper
"The term Balkans, which means in Turkish 'chain of wooded mountains,' refers to the southeastern peninsula of Europe, the largely mountainous lands which lie between the Adriatic Sea on the west, the plains of Central Europe to the north, the steppes of Russia/Ukraine to the east, the Black Sea and Asia Minor to the southeast and the Mediterranean Sea to the south. It contains the modern nations of Albania, Bulgaria, Greece and Romania and all of the nations which have emerged from the breakup in the 1990s of the former Yugoslavia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia, Serbia and Slovenia."
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Stalin and the Marxist Theory, 2002.
Examines how Joseph Stalin used the Marxist-Leninist theory to his own benefit to maintain power in Russia.
1,506 words (approx. 6.0 pages), 2 sources, MLA, £ 35.95
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Abstract
Joseph Stalin was not a theorist, but he was a consummate politician. In the 1920s, Marxist-Leninist theoretical grounding was a primary mode of legitimation for those who aspired to leadership of the Russian Communist Party. The paper shows that Stalin was, therefore, always able to elucidate an appropriate theoretical pedigree for whatever he believed was the best course for the new nation or, not incidentally, for his own political ends. The paper shows that Stalin's first Five Year Plan -- adopted, modified and approved between September 1928 and April 1929 -- was just such a course of action. It explains how he changed his previously stated intentions and ideologies in order to develop the Five Year Plan and remain in power as the leader of Communist Russia.
From the Paper
"From his earliest study of Marxist theory Stalin was attracted to dialectical materialism as a world view that provided "a coherent overall philosophical image of the world" and conceived of society past and present "as a great battleground whereon two hostile forces -- bourgeoisie and proletariat -- are locked in mortal combat" (Tucker 118, 119). Socialism flowed inevitably, logically from Marx's systematic thought and justified the revolutionary extremism that had a special appeal for Stalin. In his early political incarnation Stalin sided with the so-called "hards" who were opposed to the moderation of the left. He became a leading proponent of Lenin's militant interpretation of Marx and, as a leading advocate of Bolshevism, Stalin "found himself in his spiritual element" (121)."
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Attack on Armenia's Parliament, 2002.
A description of the events that took place during the attack on the parliament of Armenia in the capital of Yerevan on October 17, 1999.
1,087 words (approx. 4.3 pages), 3 sources, MLA, £ 26.95
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Abstract
This paper provides a step-by-step event analysis of the attack on Armenia's parliament. It looks at the various report of the event and how these differed from each other. It also discusses the ramification of this attack on the political situation in Armenia and how this affected the country's stability.
From the Paper
"Among those killed were Prime Minister Vazgen Sarkisyan and the parliamentary speaker, Karen S. Demirchyan, both of whom were leaders of the Unity political bloc, which won the Armenian elections in June. While it might be assumed that they had not been in power long enough to make many enemies, this was apparently not so. One of the gunmen was identified by eyewitnesses as Nairi Umanyan, a former journalist and extreme nationalist, and also identified were two of the other terrorists, reportedly related to Umanyan. Witness said Umanyan accused officials of "drinking our blood" (Dixon A1)."
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The N.E.P., 2002.
Examines the reasons why Vladimir Lenin adopted the New Economic Policy in 1921.
2,293 words (approx. 9.2 pages), 7 sources, APA, £ 50.95
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Abstract
This research examines the reasons behind Lenin's adoption of the New Economic Policy (NEP) in 1921 in the wake of the Soviet revolution in 1917. The research sets forth the principal elements of the NEP and the context in which it emerged as an issue for the Bolshevik/Communist government. It then explores the literature of the Soviet state with a view toward identifying factors that positioned Lenin to promulgate the policy. The paper includes an annotated bibliography.
From the Paper
"War Communism formally placed industrial and agricultural production as well as trade and prices under state control. As a practical matter that meant that agrarian peasants' cash crops (and sometimes foodstuffs, Lenin admits) were appropriated by the state (for cash, says Lenin) to "meet the requirements of the army and sustain workers" (quoted in Fischer and Marek, 1972, p. 146). Fischer and Marek (1972, p. 146) quote Lenin's description of War Communism as a "makeshift" response to "the war and the ruin," a necessary exercise in proletariat leadership of all society from bourgeoisie to peasantry, to guarantee the ultimate socialist victory."
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The United States and Russia, 2002.
Examines the evolution of the relationship between the United States and Russia after the collapse of the Soviet Union.
19,500 words (approx. 78.0 pages), 89 sources, APA, £ 178.95
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Abstract
This paper describes in detail American relations with Russia in the wake of the Soviet Union's collapse, focusing on the "Gorbachev years" as the first stage of a multi-pronged analysis of an evolutionary American foreign policy. It provides some insight into how the Russian political situation has effected and may continue to effect the future of the relationship. It focuses primarily upon Russia itself and not upon American relations with the other fourteen states that have emerged since the collapse of the Soviet Union. As needed, however, and where the relationships with such states as Ukraine or Lithuania overlap with American involvement with Russia itself, these issues are addressed.
The first of the three sections of the paper demonstrates that while it may be true that some opportunities for a profitable mutual involvement have, in fact, been missed due to U.S. inaction or indecision or uncertainty, enormous opportunities remain available. The report draws upon literature to indicate how U.S. initiatives have been undertaken, their effects and the Russian response. A background analysis of the relationships of the U.S. and Soviet Union during the Cold War and America's own position as a hegemon are provided. The second section of the paper deals with the Yeltsin years and the final section with the current state of the United States/Russian relationship.
Subtitles:
The Collapse and the Gorbachev Years
Introduction
Background of the Relationship
The Collapse of the Soviet Union
The Yeltsin Regime
Overview
The Russian Situation Under Yeltsin
The Economic Issue
The Yeltsin Collapse Begins
Effects of Regionalism
Critical U.S. Policy Initiatives
The Current State of Affairs
The End of the Yeltsin Era
Putin
Future Directions of U.S. Policy
From the Paper
"Nevertheless, the world in the absence of the Soviet Union is not a world fully at peace. The Middle East and portions of Africa remained troubled and potentially explosive, requiring an American military and security response, perhaps via the continued U.S. participation in multilateral peacekeeping and other military activities of the United Nations. Containment, as a policy doctrine, remains critical in certain of these cases such as that presented by the Middle East. A long-term American policy of supporting those governments and/or movements most likely to in turn be supportive of democratic systems should be continued, regardless of the political orientation of the President and the Congress (Kennedy, 1987)."
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?The Battle of Potemkin?, 2002.
Discusses Sergei Eisenstein's 1925 film "The Battleship Potemkin".
755 words (approx. 3.0 pages), 1 source, MLA, £ 18.95
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Abstract
The paper reviews and analyzes Sergei Eisenstein's 1925 historical film, "The Battleship Potemkin" which tells the story of a revolution in 1905 which began with the revolt of the sailors on the Battleship Potemkin, in the Odessa harbour. The paper discusses the historical accuracy of the film and Eisenstein's filming techniques.
From the Paper
"The film also suggests that the soldiers of the tsar were especially brutal and that there was a long-standing conflict between the people and their rulers. This is most evident as the soldiers march down the Odessa steps, firing indiscriminately into the crowd of citizens, showing that the citizenry is thought of as completely subservient to the power structure and that the power structure in no way sees it necessary to respond to the desires of the people. This sequence is especially affecting as Eisenstein selects certain specific figures from the crowd and makes the viewer identify with them as they are shot by the almost faceless troops. Notable as well is the baby carriage drifting down the steps out of control, a symbol of the way the people are left to themselves in the danger zone that is their life in Russia. The mother is killed so that she can no longer protect her child, representing the future of Russia."
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International Ethnic Conflict, 2002.
This paper discusses that the United States and the international community should refrain from intervention into ethnic conflicts within sovereign nations except in the cases of extreme violence.
1,275 words (approx. 5.1 pages), 4 sources, APA, £ 30.95
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Abstract
This paper defines international ethnic conflicts as disputes between communities within a sovereign nation that see themselves as having distinct rights over the power relationship between these communities, such as in Bosnia. The author believes that such ethnic conflicts should be monitored to identify a point at which it appears peace is deteriorating; and, at that time, substantial diplomatic effort should be expended to prevent further deterioration. The author concludes that only in cases of extreme violence should the United States and the international community rely on a military intervention to end the conflict.
From the Paper
"The ambivalence in the American public's reaction to the international community's recent military intervention in Bosnia reveals a general ambivalence toward the use of military force where no tangible strategic interests are at risk. However, Milosevic did offer a tangible target against which the military force could be directed. The international community was able therefore to generate support against a common, identifiable enemy. Unfortunately, as Richard Betts points out, intervention in a civil war usually becomes an issue only when the sides are closely enough matched that neither can defeat the other quickly. Thus, in many cases, the international community may be unable to identify an enemy against whom they can rally support or they may be forced to wait until the situation deteriorates until choosing the better side becomes only a matter of degree. Unfortunately, the latter can often be the case in ethnic conflicts."
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The United States Peacetime Army, 2002.
This paper assesses the policies providing for the use of United States armed forces in peacekeeping, peacemaking and humanitarian operations.
4,390 words (approx. 17.6 pages), 14 sources, £ 82.95
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Abstract
This paper discusses the roles and missions of the United States armed forces in peacetime and presents examples of MOOTW operations in Bosnia. The author concludes that the national strategy for engagement and enlargement is flawed from a foreign policy perspective. The author believes that policies should be developed and implemented that restrict the use of United States armed forces to deployments in conjunction with their primary missions unless all other options have failed.
Table of Contents
Introduction
Background
Issues Analysis
United States National Security
The Role of International Organizations
Human Rights
Regional Stability
Unilateral Versus Coalition
Policy Evaluation
National Interests
Costs
Risks
Military Readiness
Public Support in the United States
Conclusions
Recommendations
From the Paper
"There is little doubt that the international political order is changing, and that in the late summer of 1999 it is significantly different from what it was in the fall of 1989. It remains difficult, however, to predict with any degree of accuracy who the major players in the developing multipolar or unipolar environment will and will not be, and which, if any, of these players will be first among equals. Although as the only current superpower, the United States frequently behaves as if it is the first among equals. In spite of the difficulties being experienced by the national government in Russia, a great leap of faith is required to assume that a major international political role will be denied to a country with an armed force as formidable as Russia's army. While morale is low within the Russian military establishment and funding is short, it remains a force that cannot be ignored."
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A Study of Chechnya, 2002.
This paper traces the causes and effects of Chechnya's war of independence.
1,302 words (approx. 5.2 pages), 7 sources, MLA, £ 30.95
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Abstract
The writer argues that Chechnya is just one example of the fact that the old Soviet Union was never truly unified and instead kept the various provinces in line through sheer force. The paper looks at the history of the fall of the Soviet Union and the opportunity this gave the tiny Chechnya to fight for independence. The paper then gives details of the war and the ways in which the Chechyns have found success.
From the Paper
"Chechnya is about the size of Connecticut, with a population of 1.3 million people, making up less than one percent of the population of the Russian Federation from which it set out to secede. The war that stated there was seen from the firs as having the chance to deal a blow to the endangered and incipient democratic reforms in Russia (Church 116). Indeed, the debacle in Chechnya did cause a shift in the way other republics viewed Russia. In 1996 and 1997, most of the 89 regional governments in the Russian Federation held elections for governors. In the past, these positions had been filled by people appointed by Moscow, and a governor who disobeyed could be replaced by someone more obedient. Now, many of the regions elected governors who were independent-minded, and less than half of Moscow's hand-picked candidates won the 1996 elections. These new governors no longer fear Russia's military power precisely because Chechnya's small guerrilla army handed Russia such a humiliating defeat. This now means that he only power Moscow has left is that it controls the purse strings. This is problematic as well given that Russia's national treasury is nearly empty and that Moscow has been forced to cut its flow of money to the regions, further weakening the central government's control over the regions ("Russia--Republics")."
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Ethnic Division in Yugoslavia, 2002.
Examining diverse ethnic groups living in Yugoslavia and how this seems to be the cause of the country's history of war.
1,014 words (approx. 4.1 pages), 3 sources, MLA, £ 25.95
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Abstract
This paper looks at the history of the ethnic diversity of Yugoslavia and the way that these cultural and ethnic divisions were the cause of the war with Bosnia. It examines the issue of nationalism and how this term has been used by all the nations within Yugoslavia's borders in an attempt to rule or expel other ethnic groups.
From the Paper
"Yugoslavia was a nation under the Soviet sphere of influence, yet it was largely an artificial nation made up of entities that did not get along and that tried to divide up the region once the threat of Soviet force was removed. The current ethnic conflict in what was formerly Yugoslavia has roots that extend far back into history. The ethnic groups in the region have long been divided by cultural differences, religion, and language. Efforts to unify the region failed until after World War I, when the impetus to come together increased for economic and security reasons. Yet, the state that emerged was always tenuous because the union did not satisfy the needs of all the groups equally. The former Yugoslavia is perhaps the most unstable of all the former Soviet satellite states, and even though the direct attack on Kosovo was stopped by U.N. forces last spring, stability is unlikely in the foreseeable future."
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Europe's Emerging Banks and the U.S. Banking History, 2002.
This paper analyzes the banking industry in the United States from the mid-18th through mid-19th century in order to understand the evolution of the banking industry in Europe's developing economies in the 20th century.
2,480 words (approx. 9.9 pages), 6 sources, APA, £ 53.95
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Abstract
This paper presents four potential dangers to banks in emerging markets and relates them to the lessons of the founding banking system of the United States: Macroeconomic volatility, connected lending, political involvement and financial liberalization. This paper discusses that the emerging banking industries in Eastern Europe must learn to operate in an objective environment free from burdensome and often disastrous government control; just as, the ever-present tension in the United States between government policy and banking policy ensured the banking industry's objectivity. This paper argues that the primary cause of the banking crisis in Eastern Europe was the banks' decision to allow financiers with little experience and even less capital to set up their own banks.
Table of Contents
Introduction
European Economies and the Evolution of the U.S. Banking Industry
Macroeconomic Volatility
Connected Lending
Government Involvement
Financial Liberalization
Conclusion
From the Paper
"The insistence by the American chief executive in the mid 18th to mid 19th century to keep separate government policy from banking policy has not been demonstrated in the communist economies of Eastern Europe. The second major crisis factor for these economies has been connected (or insider) lending, particularly in Russia. Though not unheard of in rich countries, connected lending is a more serious problem in emerging countries, where supervisors are less rigorous about rooting it out. The Economist maintains that connected lending has recently caused serious problems where unscrupulous businessmen have found it easy to set up banks simply to finance their other companies' pet projects. Thus, at many Russian banks, the personal ambitions of owners and managers still come before the prudent assessment of lending risks. Loans to related companies are rarely made on an arm's length basis and tend to be granted at below-market rates, with scant credit vetting."
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Germany Today, 2002.
Discusses the situation in Germany since the reunification in 1990.
3,714 words (approx. 14.9 pages), 7 sources, MLA, £ 73.95
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Abstract
This paper examines the social, political, and economic issues that have affected Germany since the 1990 reunification. It looks at the hardships that face the government in trying to bring together the decrepit society of East Germany with the modern industrial economy of West Germany. The writer addresses issues such as unemployment, increased far-right activity, the European Union, internal political problems and the country's stance on abortion.
From the Paper
"The initial excitement led to unrealistic expectations, both in the west and the east. For East Germans, unification meant they would have the same political freedom and standard of living found in West Germany. The government of a unified Germany could give the former without great difficulty. As for the latter, West Germany deluded itself into believing that it could raise East Germany?s standard of living with the same ease (Edinger & Nacos, 1998, pp. 16-17).
Thus, during the spring of 1990, many politicians and planners in West Germany focused on the deprivation faced by East German consumers. Western policymakers assumed that an infusion of cash into the former East Germany would pump up consumer spending and jump-start that region?s economy. They also assumed that greater buying power would stem the flow of refugees and entice many to return to East Germany. Hundreds of thousands had fled East Germany before the fall of the Berlin Wall, precipitating the crisis that brought down the East German government (Maier, 1997, pp. 230-233)."
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Soviet Espionage, 2002.
Examining how the history of Soviet espionage has created an extremely paranoid society, very fearful of conspiracy.
2,496 words (approx. 10.0 pages), 3 sources, MLA, £ 53.95
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Abstract
This paper deals with the essentially paranoid nature of Soviet espionage. It shows how the mentality of the Soviet state was paranoid and conspiratorial even before its inception. Therefore, the Soviet security and intelligence agency was necessarily paranoid and conspiratorial as well. The paranoia that consumed the Soviet leadership undoubtedly paved the way for the creation of the most successful intelligence gathering agency in modern history. This paper shows how the same paranoid mentality inevitably doomed the Soviet security and intelligence agency as an effective intelligence apparatus capable of providing accurate information about foreign operations.
From the Paper
"From Lenin and Stalin, to those who came afterwards, the domestic and foreign policy of the Soviet Union was based on a steady diet of unsubstantiated conspiracy theories and fanatical paranoia. Thus, it was these two qualities which became the bread and butter of Soviet espionage from its very inception. Throughout the paranoid existence of the Soviet Union, the Soviet security and intelligence agency was used to perform clandestine activities against real and imagined opposition, on a size and scale previously unprecedented in the world of espionage. The agency?s efforts were largely successful in recruiting spies and gathering valuable intelligence information, especially against the Western imperialist powers. However, the Soviet leadership was often so consumed by paranoia that they were unable correctly analyze much of the intelligence information; causing the security and intelligence agency to be largely ineffective, and eventually almost crippling the Soviet espionage apparatus altogether."
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