Abstract
This paper examines how with a mass of legislation empowering authorized officers to investigate suspected benefit fraud, whether we should concentrate on detection rather than prevention. It looks at elements of fraud, governmental powers, legislation, case law, reasons for fraud, historical and political legislative development and Acts of Parliament - before making recommendations.

From the Paper
"There is now a mass of legislation empowering authorized officers to investigate suspected fraud, where these officers can be civil servants, local authority officials or their contractors. Such powers include access to otherwise confidential information (e.g. the return of SS post, redirection arrangements, information about specific individuals from private and public sector organizations, bulk information from utilities companies, a power to request information by written notice from employers, access to electronic information held by third parties) and a power to enter premises, such as a claimant's home or place of work. Although the government's authorized officers may only enter premises where there is a reasonable suspicion of fraud, they may obtain personal information in relation to individual claims or potential offences whether by particular persons or more generally."

Tags:conservative, dwp, jobs, parliament, revenue, security, social, taxpayer

Abstract
This paper examines the differing options that have been presented for defining and measuring poverty and assesses the relative flaws of each method. The paper begins by defining poverty and then discusses the reasons why there exist serious problems with attempting to define it. The paper then describes the inherent pitfalls that are evident in each method of measuring poverty. The paper also presents the writer's personal opinions on the above issues.

From the Paper
"In conclusion, it is clear that there exist significant difficulties when we attempt to both define and measure poverty. As we have seen it is very often personal opinion that either guides where we place the poverty line or what factors we use to measure poverty accurately. Using systems based on income is the common method and it is employed in many areas of the world, in particular the United States. However, Townsend was correct to highlight how income alone is not encompassing enough and it is important that we consider other factors that are integral in making and sustaining a good life. Access to quality social care is one of the most vital parts of these other factors."

Tags:society, legislature, standards, income

Abstract
The paper assesses the developments of social policy in Britain from the end of World War II, paying particular notice to the issue of education. The paper shows that the education and wider social welfare policies of governments since World War II have been directly effected by ideology and it is the ideological base of the two main political parties that has directed their legislative actions towards education. The paper relates that Conservative rule dismantled the post war consensus on welfare and education. Nonetheless, whether the major political parties have been in convergence or disagreement, their policy maneuvers with regard to education have largely been defined by the ideological stance that they have adopted towards the general issue of welfare. The paper contends that to fully understand British government education policy, we must also understand the ideological frameworks that has guided it.

From the Paper
"During the Second World War the coalition government headed by Winston Churchill was forced to undertake measures that in normal circumstances it would not have done. All aspects of the British war effort had to be directed and managed by the central government in London in order for maximum efficiency and effort to be attained. Although smaller exertions had been adopted by the governments of the First World War, the onset of total war required one thing above all on the part of government; planning (Pelling, 1978; p.22). Wartime planning was wide-ranging and largely successful. It was therefore a logical development that after the war, there would be many who would argue that for such planning in peace."

Tags:privatisation, market, forces, globalisation, employment, legislation

Abstract
In this article, the writer assesses what factors may lead to the loss of identity in one particular group in society; the elderly. Indeed, the writer notes that examining the loss of identity in old age is a very pertinent subject for the social scientist. Identity loss is very often accompanied by the onset of old age and therefore this preponderance makes it a valid place to begin. The study of what causes identity loss in old age therefore forms the first part of this work. Following this, the writer offers a brief examination as to what methods social care practitioners can employ when attempting to counter such developments in the elderly.

From the Paper
"One of the most prominent factors that can result in loss of identity occurs when significant and prolonged change takes place within an individuals life circumstances. Now although such change can occur under a variety of auspices, the onset of old age is one of the most prominent. The general factors that allow identity to be fostered and nourished, i.e. work, home environment, family and friends, societal contacts etc are the very factors that tend to become unstable in later life. Family and friends, particularly if they relative contemporaries in age often die, leaving only the individual remaining. The individual concerned may be living in the same house, alongside all the identity forming belongings they have accumulated over the years. However, without the human element of the home environment, identity loss can often be the result of such circumstances. Naturally, retirement leads to the almost complete loss of identity provided by employment."

Tags:social, activities, past, experiences

Abstract
This paper analyzes how western welfare regimes tend to make a distinction between certain groups within society and how this distinction serves to deny, or at least limit, welfare entitlement for such groups. It examines two specific welfare regimes in order to illustrate these exclusions - those of Germany (pre and post unification) and Sweden. Using Esping Andersen's welfare typologies, those of conservative, liberal and social democratic, it examines welfare and labor market exclusions based on gender and race/ethnicity.

From the Paper
"The West German Guestworker system, introduced in the 1950s, saw an influx of migrant workers, most notably from Turkey, recruited into low paid, low status work. Since benefit entitlements were linked to work, this group enjoyed access to a range of welfare services and benefits. However, the labor market was racially segregated, with West German workers positioned above guestworkers, and given the equivalence principle, both wages and benefits were paid at a much lower level than to German nationals. Thus, guestworkers were particularly susceptible to poverty (Clasen, 1994)."

Tags:assimilation, asylum, collectivism, guestworker, immigration, liberal, market, multiculturalism, racism

Abstract
This paper examines how since the implementation of the modern British welfare state in 1945, the various regimes have been organized around an ideological triangle of family, work and nation. It looks at how this concept draws attention to the way in which welfare policies and practices are the product of a society characterized by normative representations of class, race and gender, which in turn determine the constitution of welfare citizenship. It shows how since 1945, ideological assumptions underpinning the social settlement have altered along with the changing political, economic and social landscape of Britain. It maps these changes, demonstrating the consequences for the development of successive welfare regimes. It also gives a chronological account of the way in which assumptions about class, race and gender influence welfare policy and practice.

From the Paper
"During the immediate post-war years there was a significant labor shortage and so the British government began a deliberate policy of encouraging immigration from Commonwealth countries. The British Nationality Act 1948 enshrined in law the right of Commonwealth citizens and their families to work and settle in Britain. However, many migrants found that despite Commonwealth citizenship, their immediate welfare needs were not being met (Clarke et al, 2001). For example, the eligibility criteria for provision of public housing, with regards to length of residence, served to exclude the newly arrived migrants."

Tags:citizenship, class, conservatism, discrimination, immigration, labour, liberalism

Abstract
This paper discusses the concept of the welfare state in Britain in the twentieth century. Prior to the introduction of the Welfare State in 1948 there had been many changes in political ideology relating to social welfare. Economic Liberalism had dominated much of the eighteenth and nineteenth century, discouraging governments from spending money on welfare but towards the beginning of the twentieth century, with increasing disease and poverty, Social Liberalism became more influential, promoting state intervention. Gradually individualist ideas surrounding welfare were replaced with collectivist ideology. The paper covers provides an evaluation of legislation including the Community Care Act of 1990. It covers issues such as World War Two and election promises, Thatcherism, Blairism, social change, class inequalities and the future of the welfare state.

From the Paper
"Socialist ideas continued to influence politicians, and during the interwar period the government increasingly intervened to provide more welfare services. They realized the limitations of the National Insurance Act, and in 1941, Conservative leader, and prime minister, Winston Churchill, commissioned William Beveridge to investigate the effectiveness of welfare schemes and suggest improvements. As a result, the Social Insurance and Allied Services report was produced in 1942, outlining Britain's major social problems. These were known as the five giant evils, want, disease, ignorance, squalor and idleness. The Beveridge report was recognized by the public and politicians as the way forward for welfare services, however the Conservative government did not act on the report initially due to reservations surrounding its proposals."

Tags:Fabian, Socialists, Winston, ChurchillWilliam, Beveridge, Conservative

Abstract
The papers asks whether community services in the United Kingdom should be provided by grass roots organisations and groups within the community , or by central and local government. From the outset, the author takes the position that communities, rather than the government should be responsible for social service. To back up this position, the paper's writer briefly reviews the development of the welfare state in the UK. The paper then continues to show how, over the years, this has impacted local communities and encouraged them to take more responsibility for social services.

From the Paper
"Community based action is one of the most pivotal levers in accurately assessing and combating the problems faced in a particular geographic region. Indeed, many point to the breakdown in community fabrics as the prime factor behind the general lack of social cohesion and harmony in modern Britain. This view contends that the lack of social provision and support not only drastically limits the possibilities of community members, but also plays a significant role in social breakdown and anti social activities.
"Therefore, at the outset we can be sure that the provision of social services to communities lies at the heart of any socially based problem solving initiative. However, the manner in which these services should be provided and by whom, is a question that has caused consternation among authorities in social policy (Fitzpatrick, 2001). Above all, the central question is whether community services should be provided by grass roots organisations and groups within the actual community itself, or by central and local government. Such is the ultimate concern of this piece."

Tags:political, development, voluntary, management, nation

Abstract
A common trend of reduction of a state's social policy scope after a fiscal crisis has been reflected in the reform path pursued by Ireland ,and even more so ,the case of Bulgaria. The paper shows that, in both cases, the start of reforms has been triggered by a crisis, and the ongoing reform strategies are being shaped by the different economic pressures and political priorities pursued by the two countries, which are standing at different phases of economic development and integration with the European Union. The paper explains that the cases of Ireland and Bulgaria are informative of the diversity of responses different polities may adopt in the face of similar economic challenges, like fiscal imbalance. While Ireland was able to confront the situation in a framework of a broad political and social consensus, in Bulgaria, the beginning of a consistent reform process was only possible after a reform-minded party was able to collect the votes necessary to form a government. The paper also makes extensive use of tables.

From the Paper
"The economic success of the country over the period covered by the first agreement (PNR) was apparently convincing enough to keep the policy to this day. Throughout the 1990s labour relations in Ireland are dealt with via three-year agreements with titles such as "Program for Economic and Social Progress," "Program for Competitiveness and Work," and (starting 2000) "Program for Prosperity and Fairness." The late 1980s and early 1990s were marked by a great progress in reducing deficit and attracting FDI. Unemployment however remained a major concern throughout the beginning of the reform period (standing at 17.4% in 1986); it only began to decline since 1993. Nonetheless now, more than a decade after the beginning of reforms in Ireland unemployment is also fully contained at a level of around 4% in 2000. Active labor market policies absorbed as much as 1.75% GDP in the mid-1990s."

Tags:GDP, BSP, Simeon

Abstract
This paper is a comparison between the political theories of John Rawls and Robert Nozick and their opinions on distributive justice. Very emotive examples are utilised throughout this paper and the welfare state and the legitimacy of such a system is discussed. The Rawls' 'veil of ignorance' to legitimise the welfare state is described and the counter arguments of Nozick are reviewed. Finally, there is also a mention of morality and philanthropy.

From the Paper
"Rawls's theory is based upon the view that there should be an equal distribution of the wealth of society among all individuals, where "everyone should have an equal share" (Clayton et al, 2002, p165). He believes that all individuals have an equal claim to these benefits and that individuals should not be "advantaged or disadvantaged by natural future or social circumstances" (John Rawls, 1971, p18) in their lives which they have no direct control over, such as family, social class, and physical and mental attributes. His view is that men are born into different positions within society and so they have different expectations of life determined, in part by the political system, as well as by economic and social circumstances and in this way the institutions of society "favour certain starting places over others" (Ibid, 1971, p7). "

Tags:Veil, of, Ignorance, welfare, state, Rights, liberties, Locke