Abstract
The United States sends Israel about $3 billion in financial and military aid every year. Most Americans--60 to 70 percent--approve of U.S. support of Israel. Others argue that this foreign aid intensifies the tension between the United States and Arab countries, who believe that Israel should withdraw from territories that rightfully belong to Palestinians. This paper debates to what extent the United States should get involved with problems in the Middle East, including whether or not U.S. aid to Israel should continue.
Outline
The United States Must Wage a War Against Middle Eastern Terrorism
The United States Should Continue to Support Israel
The United States Should Go to War with Iraq
The United States Should Promote Democracy in the Middle East
The U.S. War on Terrorism is Unethical
The United States Should Stop Supporting Israel
The United States Should Not Go to War with Iraq

From the Paper
"According to Zunes, since its inception in 1948, Israel has proven a useful ally to the United States, especially during the Cold War. For instance, Israel's powerful military, the strongest in the region, keeps potential enemies of the United States--such as Syria, a Soviet ally during the Cold War--under control. In addition, Israel's numerous wars provided battlefield testing of American arms, often against Soviet weapons. Furthermore, Israel's intelligence department has helped U.S. intelligence agencies gather information and plan covert operations in the Middle East. Finally, Israel possesses an enormous nuclear arsenal and has collaborated with the United States on weapons research and manufacture. Zunes states that "U.S. foreign policy is motivated primarily to advance its own perceived strategic interests." "

Tags:israel, iraq, terrorism, 9/11, democracy, osama, bin, laden, saddam, hussein

Abstract
Over the last hundred years, the Middle East has been one of the most troubled regions in the world. This paper attempts to define the attributes for success in the modern world that the Arab community lacks such as freedom, knowledge and woman power and how these impact the current political situation.

Outline
Islam Causes Conflict in the Middle East
Islam Does Not Cause Conflict in the Middle East
The Arab-Israeli Dispute Causes Conflict in the Middle East
Israeli Leadership Contributes to Conflict in the Middle East
Palestinian Leadership Contributes to Conflict in the Middle East
Lack of Democracy Contributes to Conflict in the Middle East
Oil Profits Cause Conflict in the Middle East
Water Scarcity Could Cause Conflict in the Middle East

From the Paper
"Sharon has spent years trying to erase the stain of the Lebanon War. Still, the legal defeat would seem to be the least of his troubles. After he won the premiership by promising to bring peace and security to Israel's citizens, Sharon has produced neither. The conflict with the Palestinians continues to escalate. The day of the court ruling, four Israelis died in Palestinian attacks; the following day, six soldiers died in a strike against an army roadblock. Sharon responded with a rare speech to the nation--in which he disappointed all expectations that he would announce a new policy direction. Among voters, confidence that he has a strategy is bleeding away. In one Israeli public-opinion poll, 29 percent of respondents said that Sharon had a clear plan, while 58 percent said he was simply reacting to events."

Tags:israel, palestine, arab, islam, syria, lebanon, gaza, arafat, oil, water

Abstract
The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has been one of the most divisive contests in the history of the Middle East. Unfortunately, Israel has been a hub of violence since its inception in 1948. This paper examines the history of the conflict and debates how best to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

Outline
Israel Should Withdraw from Palestinian Territories
Israel Must Reoccupy Palestinian Territories
Creating a Palestinian State Could Resolve the Israeli- Palestinian Conflict
Creating a Palestinian State Would Not Resolve the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict
Palestinians Must Fight for Equal Rights
Palestinians Must Reject Terrorism as a Weapon of War
Economic Development Can Facilitate Peace Between Israelis and Palestinians

From the Paper
"President George W. Bush has referred to the "legitimate aspirations" of the Palestinian people for an independent state. But people who embrace suicide bombings and choose career killers as their leaders--as the Palestinians have done--have no legitimate political aspirations. Writer William F. Buckley, for all of his many faults, is credited with a turn of phrase that eloquently captures this fact. Speaking about an African country's desire for independence, he quipped, "They'll be ready for democracy when they stop eating each other." Although he was referring to the practice of literal cannibalism, the same thing applies metaphorically to the Palestinians. They can be trusted with a representative government only when they stop worshipping murderers."

Tags:intifada, west, bank, gaza, fatah, hamas, terrorism

Abstract
This paper looks at the significance of both the male and the female body to the societies of Western Christendom during the Medieval period. It discusses the body through the various stages of youth, manhood and womanhood, old age and finally death. It examines the medieval understanding and view of natural biological processes such as menstruation. The paper examines the medieval view of the 'eastern' man and discusses the views of emissions of the body, such as the body's smell and noise, with particular attention being paid to laughter. It also looks at the way that bodies are dressed and the use of perfume.

From the Paper
"The body was highly significant in the societies of western Christendom during the medieval period and was "central to the process of social classification according to categories of age, health, purity...which were regulated through constructed categories such as stigma and gender". However, whilst ecclesiastical influence was total over all aspects of the body and its behaviour, the enforcement of canonical law must not be overstated, due to the obvious difficulties in policing such infractions of laws on sex and nocturnal habits. The church was also not as morally rigid as has been assumed by many, and in fact during the medieval period in western Christendom, the church deemed that it was preferable to tolerate "behaviour that they disapproved of but that they perceived might meet some wider social need", with such behaviour including prostitution, some kinds of extra marital sex and other casual sexual liaisons."

Tags:classification, gender, ecclesiastical, influence

Abstract
This paper attempts to analyze the events surrounding the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. It provides an overview of the years leading up to the invasion, looking at the relationship between Afghanistan and the Soviet Union and how political relations between the two countries changed to such an extent that a military intervention was considered necessary. It outlines the main arguments presented by historians for the invasion along with the author's opinion on the matter. It also examines some of the long term historical relationship between the countries in order to show that it was the perceived primitive state of Afghan politics that has made it a target for invaders in the past.

Outline
Afghanistan in Historical Context
Afghanistan Turns to the East
The ?Saur? Revolution
Examining the Historical Debate
Conclusion

From the Paper
"The first major event to affect the time leading up to the civil war in Afghanistan was the return from a decade of political exile of Mohammed Daoud Khan, in 1973. Daoud had been prime minister of Afghanistan until 1963, when his insistence on focusing on the question of reclaiming Afghan territories from Pakistan, rather than modernizing Afghanistan as the King (Daoud's cousin) Nadir Khan wished, had led to his forced resignation . Daoud's return was in trouble really from before he actually returned to Afghanistan. Whilst he had been away, a rather haphazard constitutional monarchy had been established. Unfortunately (for Daoud at least) during this time many different political groups had emerged and grown stronger over the years . When Daoud returned he sought to re-establish an old style government, like the one he had left. While he was out of politics, Daoud saw both the issue of the areas of Pakistan which Afghanistan claimed, and the links he had made with the Soviets given less and less importance. The final straw was a particularly dry summer in Afghanistan, which led to a widespread famine during 1971."

Tags:revolution, saur, daoud, khan, east

Abstract
This paper assesses the political, military and psychological means by which Hafiz al-Asad retained power in Syria for thirty years until his death in 2000. With particular emphasis on the use of coercion, the paper gives an in-depth view of the internal politics of Syria, Asad's mechanisms of state control and coercion and the role of international relations on domestic Syrian affairs.

From the Paper
"Syria was a country that had undergone tremendous political turbulence in the years preceding Asad's ascent to power in November 1970. The last three decades of the twentieth century saw constant upheaval throughout the Middle East and President Asad faced repeated challenges both internally and externally. Asad's success in simply remaining in power is, therefore, worthy of analysis and, as with his counterpart in Iraq, Saddam Hussein, much has been made of the regime's use of coercion in order to maintain its position. Coercion, that is government by force, undoubtedly played a crucial role in shoring up Asad's powerful position within Syria and he was not afraid to use all military means at his disposal to swiftly quash any opponents of the regime. It would be a gross over-simplification, however, to assume that this was the sole means by which Asad's remarkably long-lived presidency ensured its own survival. It is, perhaps, more helpful to view the use of coercion by the regime as the last line of defense of a shrewd leader who, although ultimately reliant on the military to ensure the control of his nation, nonetheless employed a varied and effective strategy to maintain both Syria's position internationally and his position within Syria."

Tags:coercion, east, middle

Abstract
This essay examines the religious reforms implemented throughout King Akhenaten's reign of Ancient Egypt often termed the Amarna Period (c. 1360 - 1343 B.C.). It investigates how these reforms differed from the traditional religion that was practiced in Ancient Egypt at the time as well as the rationale and motives behind them. It examines the impact of these reforms and why, in the end, they were only temporary in nature, not lasting beyond Akhenaten's reign.

From the Paper
"As discussed, there were numerous religious reforms put forward by Akhenaten during his reign. However not all were successful. Indeed there were many problems with the changes Akhenaten implemented. His reforms were introduced with such force that they met with strong resistance. Despite Akhenaten's desire for there to be one god, the Aten, and his attempts to remove all other deities, the Egyptian people continued to worship the traditional gods (Ashcroft 2003, Stange 2000). Akhenaten's worship of the Aten was not as shared or supported by the Egyptian people as the Aten, as sole god, did not satisfy all of the Egyptian's religious requirements. R. David suggests the reason behind this is that "the Aten had no moral philosophy or attractive mythology which could inspire the general worshiper" (David 1993:157)."

Tags:monotheism, nefertiti, osiris, amarna, tuthmosis

Abstract
This paper explains that the FLN metamorphosed from a military force to a constructed symbolical emblem of the state and the process of nation-building, emblematic of the wider structural characteristics of Algerian 'nation-building'. The author points out that FLN's 'rise' can be characterized as a product of the extreme tactics of the French, which drove even the formerly moderate members of the MTLD into the arms of the FLN; and this brutality of French methods gave encouragement to the radical wing within the FLN. The paper relates that the 'fall' of the FLN represented a continuation of the tendency to use it as a smokescreen to hide the rivalries and machinations of political leaders, a result of structural problems within the heart of the Algerian regime, not a clash of absolutes between a popular Islam and a secular state, which caused the upheaval.

From the Paper
"Not being able to determine the direction of French politics, the FLN was least of all able to rectify its own weaknesses and divisions. Ruedy shows that the FLN had a surprisingly narrow basis of popular support. The growing determination of radical elements within the FLN, and the intensification of the conflict overall, meant that independence was only attained after much civil strife as well. The FLN punished Algerians who compromised with the French, even those who simply paid taxes. The tactics of the internal leadership after the Soummam Congress also served to distance them from the plight of the peasants within the agricultural interior."

Tags:boumediene, chadli, democracy, fundamentalism, history

Abstract
The paper discusses the essential features of Nasser's rule along with the primary events that shaped and exemplified his pivotal place in the history of the twentieth century Arab world. The paper briefly highlights the essential tenets of Arab nationalism and goes on to show how, although Nasser attempted to instill widespread nationalist unity in the Arab world, he nonetheless ultimately failed to fully bring about his Pan Arab ideals. The paper believes that the Arab world's strong national basis for its identity caused the failure of the Arab nationalist movement.

From the Paper
"Gamel Abdel Nasser arguably played a greater part in the development of Arab nationalism than any of his contemporises. Indeed, for many years he embodied the central premises of the nationalist ideology and in many respects represented its figurehead in the Arab world. The roots of Arab nationalism can be found in the early years of the twentieth century and therefore Nasser did not play a role in the movements' beginnings. However, during his tenure as President of Egypt from 1956 to 1970 he did more than anyone to foster and propel the vision of an Arab world united in ideology and spirit."

Tags:Egypt, ideology, Middle, East

Abstract
This paper explains that the understanding of the growing prevalence of Islamic fundamentalism is greatly hindered by the tendency of historians to fuse the reasons for its growth with its perceived 'threat', which is often defined more by the political calculations of governments than the objectives of fundamentalist movements. The author points out that this growth is the manifestation of regional politics, social and economic inequalities and reaction against political authoritarianism and that the manifestations of Islamic fundamentalist movements are differentiated by virtue of specific local political structures and the colonial experiences of the individual North African countries. The paper relates that the gulf between the government in Egypt and society is so great that it depends on Al-Azhar to create an impression of religious legitimacy; while the government attempts to respond to concerns about foreign influences in the media, it has given Al-Azhar primary role over censorship of electronic media so that the government can shift the blame if need be.

From the Paper
"Given these simultaneous - and contradictory - impulses, of extension and fragmentation, one could argue that the movement's growth is defined from Western eyes by the implicit threat perceived in its spread. With some justification, the ideas of Hassan al-Banna or Sayyid Qutb, have such a wide currency across North Africa because of their ability to be transferred to different contexts. Hostility against Western notions of the secular state or nationalization is enunciated by 'Abd al-Slam Yasin, for example. In this way, therefore, is the spread of Islamic fundamentalist movements accentuated in Western perspectives by its ideological 'threat'. And yet, in fact, such a threat materializes generally only when these ideas are mobilized to suit the political needs or objectives of the ruler."

Tags:egypt, libya, morocco, tunisia, al-azhar