Abstract
This paper examines a chapter from Hannah Arendt's "The Origins of Totalitarianism" in which she theorizes about the composition of and relevance of the masses in totalitarian regimes. It looks at how her definition of 'masses' does not include specific classes or citizens, but incorporates the section of the population that does not belong to a class or any other kind of social group. It also discusses how many of the first critiques of the book, first published post World War II, were negative and how more recent texts have seen Arendt's work in its historic context, i.e. as an important piece of post war, totalitarianism historiography.

From the Paper
"A Classless Society appears in the third section of the Origins entitled Totalitarianism. In this chapter, Arendt theorizes about the masses - the people who followed Hitler and Stalin unquestioningly. The masses are politically indifferent or disillusioned men, who had become isolated due to the disintegration of the class system, who did not belong to any professional or social organizations, and who had become atomized, lonely individuals. Arendt claims that this atomization occurred 'naturally' in Germany but that in Russia, Stalin created an atomized society 'by the skillful use of repeated purges' that eliminated social groups who appeared to be stable and therefore threatening to his regime. As Canovan points out, this suggests that while certain
'natural' circumstances led Hitler to totalitarianism, Stalin deliberately anticipated totalitarianism, or perhaps he was merely fulfilling his (Hegelian) historic role."

Tags:fascism, germany, hitler, class

Abstract
This paper discusses the importance of the post-war treaties in explaining the emergence of fascism as a political force in Italy during 1919 and 1920. The author explains that fascism in Italy during these years was not a powerful force in politics, but it had a growing appeal to nationalistic war veterans and the middle class who feared socialism.

From the Paper
"Fascism in Italy between 1919 and 1920 was not a powerful force in politics, but its growing appeal to nationalistic war veterans and middle class fears of socialism - especially in rural communities with stricter hierarchies, hence the faster rise in agrarian fascism - made it significant in the boom of the squadristi (violent squads who attacked socialist targets, such as peasant league offices) at the return of soldiers in 1920. In national politics, however, it had yet to begin unification of its forces (especially the local Ras) with an official party, which Mussolini only founded in 1922, attempting to use the squadristi for his own ends. The actual grievances of fascists, however, lay in the problems that had been poorly dealt with by previous Liberal Governments, such as the post-war treaties, the economy and political reform, as well as the ineffectiveness (and perceived danger) of socialist opposition."

Tags:ideological, nationalists, inflation

Abstract
An analysis of Stalinism, his dictatorship and personal style of leadership. The author examines the dictator's measures of leadership and their consequences on the social world.

From the Paper
"One wonders what would possess a man to such extreme lengths of cruelty and severity. As Adam Ulam observes, "the poverty and harshness of Stalin's early life left indelible imprints on him. Quite early in life he became a crude, unsentimental, and mistrustful person, tormented by an inferiority complex and very ambitious. Always displaying contempt for the traditions of kinship and personal friendship, usually so important to Georgians"( Ulman 20)".

Tags:dictator, russia, soviet, stalin, stalinism, ussr, wwii

Abstract
This paper examines the development of the German economy between 1870 and 1914. The author looks at the different factors that led to the transformation of Germany from an economically backwards country, to a major economic superpower, which even began to threaten Great Britain's supremacy in world trade. The paper examines several different events that were factors in this economic turnaround, including the Wars of German Unification, the economic reforms enacted after the 1873 depression, the growth of the railway systems, and the eventual expansion of the coal industry.

The paper includes an extensive bibliography, but has no footnotes, or endnotes.

From the Paper
"In the 18th century, Germany was a collection of 39 economically backward states governed by a social and political structure closer to Russia's autocratic system, rather than those of the west. The "Junkas" " the land owning class " cultivated their lands with the forced labor of serfs. Later, the peasants were released from their obligations but any surplus income earned above subsistence level was paid to landowners and social superiors, seriously reducing the possibility of investment in the land and new methods of farming. Progress towards industrialization was hampered by the absence of economic unity. Each state controlled its own tariffs, currency, communications, manufacturing industries and banking. Yet by the end of the 19th century, Germany was to become a major economic power, by continental standards, and a serious threat to Great Britain's supremacy in the world of trade and economic growth. This essay will seek to outline the developments of the German economy in the period 1870-1914 and explain what caused such changes."

Tags:bismarck, economy, germany, historical, mark, fiscal, policies, expansion, railway, coal, banks, currency, steel, depression, tariffs, empire, britain, reich, exchange, bills, iron, steel, growth, unification

Abstract
This paper embarks on an examination of the work of post-war critical theorists Adorno, Horkheimer and Marcuse who capture the dominant themes of post-war Critical Theory well. It proceeds to show how many parallels are evident between post-war Critical Theory and the more recently formulated postmodernist theories. An examination of postmodernist theories then ensues, taking as exemplars the work of Baudrillard, Jameson and Harvey. It concludes by arguing that postmodernist theories do indeed revisit the critique of modern culture, which post-war Critical Theory began and they do so without the political commitment to Marxism. An explanation for this follows, discussing the events which "shattered a whole generation of French intellectual's beliefs in the moral supremacy of Marxism" and sheds light on the climate which ultimately paved way for the emergence of postmodernism.

From the Paper
"Advertising encourages individuals to view themselves primarily as consumers, and under the guise of entertainment, audiences are manipulated into accepting and conforming to existing society. Kellner captures this sentiment well claiming "advertising progressively fuses in style and technique with the entertainment of the culture industry, which in turn can be read as a series of advertisements for existing society and the established way of life" (1989:33). The culture industry is designed to discourage individuals from challenging the given order, to think critically and indeed, think for themselves. "The need, which might resist control, has already been suppressed by the control of individual consciousness" (1995: 121). Adorno and Horkheimer show how the products of the culture industry are similar to those produced in a factory, sharing their belief that "under monopoly all mass culture is identical". (1995: 121)."

Tags:adorno, baudrillard, capitalism, horkheimer, jameson, marcuse

Abstract
This paper deals with the impetus behind the European Union's (EU) policies towards Russia since the end of the Cold War. It looks at how it has been twofold with institutional reform to promote democracy and economic aid to assist in the integration of the former communist countries into the global sphere.
Outline
The End of Empire?
EU/Russia Policies in the 1990s: Institutional Reform and Economic Aid
The EU, NATO and Russia
Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP)
EU Enlargement 2004 - New Borders, New Neighbors
Four Common Spaces
Kaliningrad and the Schengen Regime
Conclusion

From the Paper
"The impetus behind the EU's policies towards Russia since the end of the Cold War has been twofold: institutional reform to promote democracy and economic aid to assist in the integration of the former communist countries into the global sphere. Behind these policies there is fear: an apprehension regarding the mere size of the Eastern countries and the potential threat of a reawakening of Soviet economic and military might; a concern for the possible exodus of immigrants into the EU and the social and economic ramifications for the EU as a whole and individual member states near the borders; an unease at the possibility of an almost never-ending enlargement of the EU and the consequences for the existing community; and the unpleasant notion that without assistance, the former countries of the USSR will fail to develop into in a democratically and economically acceptable way - i.e. following the orthodox neo-liberal capitalist ideal of the West - and the possibility that this may lead to a more confrontational, antagonistic division once again. "

Tags:cfsp, commonwealth, enlargement, pca, regime, schengen, states

Abstract
This paper examines the strengths of Soviet organization, as well as the weakness of the Whites, who were backed by western intervention. The paper looks at measures taken, such as "War Communism" used to supply food to the army and the ruthless structure of communist forces, which lead to the Bolshevik victory in the Russian Civil War.

From the Paper
"In 1917 Lenin and the Bolsheviks, known as the Communists or Reds, had seized control over Petrograd and Moscow quite easily. However, they controlled only part of Russia and many groups opposed them. Could they hang on to power? The Mensheviks, Social Revolutionaries and supporters of the Tsar said they had no right to rule. Collectively, these opponents became known as the Whites. The Whites were opposed to the Reds for two main reasons: they seized the land, property and factories of the well off and they attacked religious beliefs. By the end of 1918 civil war had broken out in Russia between the Whites and the Reds. The Whites were supported from abroad by the Allies; Britain, France, the USA and Japan. The Allies opposed Lenin in retaliation for his Brest-Litovsk peace treaty with Germany in March 1918. They had also lost capital and property as the Reds refused to repay loans which had been made to the Tsar's government, and had nationalized foreign owned businesses' in Russia without compensation. Yet, despite a large number of anti-Bolshevik groups within Russia, who were backed by the most powerful countries in the world, the Bolsheviks did eventually win the Russian Civil War. But why?"

Tags:civil, communist, lenin, russia, trotsky, war, bolshevik, economic, political, military

Abstract
In this paper the writer puts forward the reasons that account for the growth in Perestroika, such as the economic decline and social despair suffered by the populations of Russia and the countries of Communist Eastern Europe. It also looks at the man who was responsible for the introduction of Perestroika, Mikhail Gorbachev and why he wanted to introduce Perestroika.

From the Paper
"The Soviet Union and its satellite countries were on a continual downward spiral from the late 50's and 60's. Ruled from Moscow, the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe was suffering a very poor economy and social conditions such as housing, welfare and food supply. Leonid Brezhnev, who became Secretary General of the Soviet Communist Party in 1964, reinforced the strict regime of communism. All private ownership in Russia was ended, a mass programme of industrialization was started and the Soviet military strength was significantly enhanced."

Tags:cold war, Eastern Europe, Glasnost, Gorbachev, Perestroika, Russia, Soviet Union

Abstract
The policy of appeasement, which both Britain and France took toward Nazi Germany and it?s expansionist aims during the late 1930s, is one of the most controversial and criticised foreign policies in history. The paper shows that appeasement policy has been given short shrift by historians and the public alike since the 1930s, with the general consensus being that if Britain and France would have taken a harder line against the Nazi?s then Hitler?s aggressive policy could have been checked. However, the view of appeasement has not been totally one sided. Many revisionist historians have arrived at the view that appeasement was necessary for both Britain and France as a way of buying time for rearmament so that they would militarily be able to oppose Nazi Germany. This essay looks closely at this viewpoint to correctly assess whether that was one of the chief aims of appeasement.

From the Paper
"Similarly the reoccupation of the Rhineland by Germany military forces in March of 1936 can be seen as the beginning of French appeasement towards the Nazis. When the Germans entered the demilitarised zone on the 7 March there was no response from the French military, even though they would have been quite within their right, under the terms of the Versailles Treaty to enter Germany and expel the troops back to the position stated in the Versailles Treaty. The French did not act because they were militarily too weak, indeed at this time they had a larger standing army than Germany, the main reasons were due to public opinion and incorrect information on the invading force. The incoming Germans numbered approximately 60,000, yet the Army General Staff reported to the French government that in addition to that figure there were further 235,000 paramilitaries."

Tags:Anglo-German, Naval, Pact, Hitler, Rhineland, Versailles, Treaty

Abstract
This essay examines the role of women and motherhood during the 1930?s, when the Nazi regime took over Germany. It takes a hard look at the views and opinions about women by the leaders of the Nazi regime.

From the Paper
"The Nazi regime's views of what a woman's role should be and what they actually were, were very different. A woman's place was in the home, looking after her husband, her home, and most importantly, her children. The Nazi ideology saw women as inferior to men, a woman should be at home and having children, "Kinder, Kirche, Kuche". Goebbels said "a woman's primary, rightful, and appropriate place is in the family, and the most wonderful task that she can perform is to present her country and people with children."[i] The image of marriage and motherhood was sold not only as a benefit to the individual and family but also an obligation to the state. The regime believed in this so much that women could apply for marriage loans, where a woman who was getting married could apply for a marriage loan, on the proviso that she left the job market. "

Tags:germany, history, hitler, motherhood, nazi, roles, homemaker, women, marriage, ideology